On Street Tracing Haiti’s Pain, Survival Goes On

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PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — Avenue Poupelard in the center of this devastated city pulses with life and reeks of death almost two weeks after the earthquake.

Before what Haitians call “the event,” it was a chaotically bustling street of lottery kiosks and cybercafes, gated homes and shacks, churches and schools.

Now, a coffin maker spends the day hammering wood as fast as he can get it, while the body of a 6-year-old boy decomposes in the ruins of a school. Hundreds of displaced residents squat in the junked cars of a mechanic’s lot as a lawyer, writing briefs, camps under the bougainvillea of her uninhabitable villa. A fiery pastor preaches outside the ruins of his church; street vendors hawk small plastic bags of water; an AIDS clinic reopens briefly each day for patients who survived the earthquake but ran out of essential pills.

And, bound in muslin like a mummy, a cadaver lies beneath a sign that screams “S O S,” deposited there by neighbors as if to underscore their cry for help as they struggle to reconstitute some semblance of community and move forward.

“We are not blood relatives but we are all the dispossessed of Avenue Poupelard,” said Franc Danjou, gesturing at those around him in one encampment. “We must pool our resources — and get help! — or in a year this community will be dead.”

Over a quarter-mile stretch, Avenue Poupelard, a residential and commercial strip in the area called Nazon, offers a panorama of life in the ruins of the Haitian capital where a stricken heart still beats.

A complete damage assessment is impossible without tax and property records, which are not available. But of 53 buildings examined on Avenue Poupelard, only six appeared to be intact. Twenty-three are completely or partially collapsed. And the remaining 24 show damage ranging from cracks to crumbled walls, with daily aftershocks presenting a continuing threat.

Despite such widespread destruction — and an incalculable number of deaths — almost no one on Avenue Poupelard seems to let himself cry, not even the children. Grief is still buried under shock, and there is a stoic determination to face the future because, no matter how tenuous, it is far less frightening than the immediate past. It is daunting to imagine the recovery that lies ahead. But in this one pocket of the city, as elsewhere, life of a survivalist sort goes on.

Some small businesses — a barbershop here, a tiny food stand there — are stirring back to life. Political debate, a sign of normalcy, is resurfacing, with many openly cursing President René Préval for making few forays into hard-hit areas.

Food, water, shelter, sickness and death: these continue to be urgent problems even as some help is finally arriving. For many on Avenue Poupelard, the trauma of loss has created an almost existential vertigo. Nora Jean Phillipe, an office worker who sat beside a tent with a box of Pop Tarts in her lap, was keenly, almost obsessively, focused on one thing: excavating her family’s birth certificates from their destroyed house.

“Please understand,” she said. “I lost my home. I lost my son. Somehow, I have to find a way to salvage our identity.”

Determined to Stay

The Legros family settled into their villa on Avenue Poupelard over a half-century ago when the area was affluent and surrounded by farmland. As he grew up, Michel Legros, 53, owner of a popular radio station, Radio Maximum, watched the neighborhood grow denser and more socioeconomically mixed.

Late last week, Mr. Legros and his sister Gladys Legros, a lawyer, opened their gates, ushering visitors onto the patio in the shadow of their elegant house, which is still standing but badly damaged.

Mr. Legros is a well-known political activist. “Politics sticks to him like a disease,” his sister said. His patio, shaded by palm and banana trees, used to serve as a meeting place for the Democratic Convergence, a largely elite political coalition opposed to former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a champion of the poor. Now the Legros family sleeps there alongside the many less privileged, displaced neighbors they have invited in.

Most of his friends, Mr. Legros said, have abandoned the country, but he refuses to go. “If you hear there is one person left standing in Haiti,” he said, “you can be sure it’s me.”

Despite his bravado, Mr. Legros, unlike many of his neighbors who have repressed the horror of the earthquake itself, keeps reliving it.

After the earthquake struck, he said, he rushed downtown, where his cousins owned a small hotel and found it a pile of heavy concrete slabs. After learning that his cousins were buried inside, he saw an employee, whom he knew only as Rudy, lodged in the rubble, crying for help. He ran to search for equipment to help get Rudy out. But with Port-au-Prince wrecked from one end to the other, Mr. Legros found that his political connections did not help — not on the day of the earthquake, or for the two days after that.

By the time Mr. Legros secured a bulldozer, Rudy was dead.

“I feel impotent, and that impotence bothers me a lot,” he said. “But what bothers me even more, is that my country is impotent.

“My God,” he added, “what has happened to Haiti?”

Crossroads of Need

Avenue Poupelard crosses a major north-south thoroughfare, Avenue Martin Luther King. At their intersection, a sign in English — “We need help. Food. Water.” — has arrows pointing both east and west.

Obama to Offer Aid for Families in State of the Union Address

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WASHINGTON — President Obama will propose in his State of the Union address a package of modest initiatives intended to help middle-class families, including tax credits for child care, caps on some student loan payments and a requirement that companies let workers save automatically for retirement, senior administration officials said Sunday.

By focusing on what one White House official calls “the sandwich generation” — struggling families squeezed between sending their children to college and caring for elderly parents — Mr. Obama hopes to use his speech on Wednesday to demonstrate that he understands the economic pain of ordinary Americans. The proposals also include expanded tax credits for retirement savings and money for programs to help families care for elderly relatives.

The address is still being written, but one senior official, describing it on the condition of anonymity, said its main themes would include “creating good jobs, addressing the deficit, helping the middle class and changing Washington.”

With his poll numbers down and Democrats fearing disaster in this year’s midterm elections, Mr. Obama is at a particularly rocky point in his presidency and has been shifting his rhetoric lately to adopt a more populist tone. He heads into his first formal State of the Union speech in a radically reshaped political climate from even one week ago.

His top domestic priority, a health care overhaul, is in jeopardy after the Republican victory in last week’s Massachusetts Senate race — a setback that White House advisers interpret as a reflection of Americans’ deep anger and frustration over high unemployment and Wall Street bailouts.

One advantage of the president’s proposals is that they might appeal to people who are struggling financially without looking like the kind of broad expansion of the federal government that is making many Americans uneasy. They also would add little to the federal deficit at a time when Mr. Obama is pledging to reduce it.

Mr. Obama and Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. plan to outline the proposals on Monday when they meet with the White House task force that has spent the past year examining ways to help the middle class.

While Mr. Obama has been shifting his focus toward job creation in recent weeks, an official said the president also wanted to spotlight what the White House regards as “critical areas where middle-class families need a helping hand to get ahead,” like paying for college and saving for retirement.

For example, the president is calling on Congress to nearly double the child care tax credit for families earning less than $85,000 — a proposal that, if adopted, would lower by $900 the taxes such families owe to the government. But the credit would not be refundable, meaning that families would not get extra money back on a tax refund.

Another of the president’s proposals, a cap on federal loan payments for recent college graduates at 10 percent of income above a basic living allowance, would cost taxpayers roughly $1 billion. The expanded financing to help families care for elderly relatives would cost $102.5 million — a pittance in a federal budget where programs are often measured in tens if not hundreds of billions of dollars. And the automatic paycheck deduction program would simply be a way to encourage workers to save, and would include tax credits to help companies with administrative costs.

Such programs are, notably, much less far-reaching than Mr. Obama’s expansive first-year agenda of passing an economic recovery package, bailing out the auto industry, overhauling the health care system, passing energy legislation and imposing tough new restrictions on banks. That agenda has left him vulnerable to criticism that he is using the government to remake every aspect of American society.

Top advisers to the president insist that Mr. Obama is not in retreat and are resisting any comparisons to the kind of small-bore initiatives that the last Democratic president, Bill Clinton, used to try to get his presidency back on track.

“In no way does this represent a trimming of the sails,” one adviser said on Sunday, referring to the package.

Instead, the White House wants to use Wednesday’s address to explain how initiatives like the health care overhaul fit into his broader plan for job creation and the economy. On Sunday, as senior administration officials fanned out on the television talk shows, David Axelrod, Mr. Obama’s senior adviser, insisted that the health care bill was not dead. But he did suggest that the administration was now more focused on changing insurance practices than on a broad expansion of coverage to the uninsured.

“There are so many elements of this — tax breaks for small business, extending the life of Medicare, more assistance for seniors with their prescription drugs, a cap on out-of-pocket expenses, help for people with pre-existing conditions — that are too important to walk away from,” Mr. Axelrod said on the ABC program “This Week.”

With House and Senate leaders trying to figure out how to proceed legislatively, Mr. Axelrod also issued a warning to Democrats who were reconsidering their support for the health care measure.

“As a political matter, the foolish thing to do would be for anybody else who supported this to walk away from it,” he said. He added, “The underlying elements of it are popular and important, and people will never know what’s in that bill until we pass it, the president signs it and they have a whole new range of protections they never had before.”

How Mr. Obama will address health care in the State of the Union speech, though, remains an open question. Officials on Capitol Hill and at the White House said their talks on how to proceed with the legislation might not be resolved by Wednesday. This could put Mr. Obama in the awkward position of talking about a measure that is on shaky ground.

Another open question is what the president will say about his program for job creation.

The House of Representatives has passed a $154 billion bill to encourage job creation, and during an appearance in Ohio on Friday, Mr. Obama called for a jobs bill that would include tax breaks for small businesses and for people who make their homes more energy efficient. White House officials have not said what Mr. Obama’s jobs bill would cost, and they did not say on Sunday if he would mention a specific amount in Wednesday’s address.

But they did try to hit hard on the jobs theme. And Mr. Axelrod, speaking on “State of the Union” on CNN, said Mr. Obama’s current predicament was no surprise.

“A year ago, I said to the president, ‘A year from now, your numbers are going to be much different than they are right now because of the economic forecast that we were hearing,’ ” he said. “And we knew that even as the economy started growing, it would take time for the jobs to follow.”

General Puts Up a Fight in Sri Lanka’s Election

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COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — When President Mahinda Rajapaksa announced late last year that he would move the presidential election up by two years and seek a fresh mandate from Sri Lanka’s war-weary electorate, he seemed like a shoo-in.

Having vanquished the fearsome Tamil Tiger insurgency in May with a no-holds-barred assault on its last stronghold, Mr. Rajapaksa enjoyed widespread adulation. The opposition parties were fractured and in disarray. No one, it seemed, could match the president’s popularity, despite deep unease about what seemed to be the increasing concentration of power in the hands of his family and rising corruption.

But to near-universal surprise, an alphabet soup of political parties has rallied around the retired general who led Sri Lanka’s army to victory against the Tamil Tigers, Sarath Fonseka.

On Tuesday, voters here will go to the polls in what has been one of the most bitterly contested elections in Sri Lankan history. The winner will preside over the reconstruction and reconciliation of a country torn apart by more than a quarter-century of ethnic conflict.

Mr. Rajapaksa has argued that he delivered on his election promise, made in 2005, to end the war, and that he can be relied upon to mend the country. But his popularity has waned in the months since the end of the war as Sri Lankans have grown impatient for prosperity. Mr. Rajapaksa has also given powerful positions in the government to relatives, rankling many Sri Lankans.

“Sri Lanka has always been a democracy,” said Waskadwa Dhammarana, a Buddhist monk who supported the president in 2005 but is now planning to vote for General Fonseka. “I am against corruption, nepotism and the antidemocratic attitude prevalent in the Rajapaksa regime.”

General Fonseka has pledged to reduce the powers of the presidency and give more authority to Parliament, a cherished goal of many parties in the fractious coalition backing him. But he is untested as a political leader, and many question his ability to lead beyond the regimented sphere of the military.

Indeed, the alliance behind General Fonseka’s candidacy is a grudging coalition that includes more than one set of archenemies. It includes hard-line Marxists and laissez-faire capitalists, hard-core nationalists who argue that minorities should submit to majority rule as well as the main Tamil and Muslim parties.

“The opposition parties have come together with the single purpose of effecting regime change,” said Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, executive director of the Center for Policy Alternatives, a research and advocacy institute here. “Fonseka is the instrument of that change.”

The campaign has unfolded in a tense but hopeful nation that seeks to put its violent past to rest. The Tamil Tigers took up arms to defend the Tamil minority from government discrimination, but eventually became a ruthless insurgency best known for its use of child soldiers and suicide bombers.

Violence has punctuated the campaign. Election monitors have counted more than 100 episodes of violence involving firearms. At least five people have been killed.

General Fonseka has struggled to find his footing as a politician. In speeches his clipped delivery is that of a man accustomed to giving orders, not asking for votes.

“The country in the future will be free of corruption,” he commanded from the stage at a rally in the southern coastal town of Kalutara. “Democracy will be restored. Your children will have a bright future.”

For many of the general’s supporters, the concern is more a matter of ousting Mr. Rajapaksa.

“He has constructed a power center that is controlled only by his family,” said Japudaya Nagoda Kanutara, a 47-year-old supermarket clerk who voted for Mr. Rajapaksa in 2005. “At that time we only wanted to end the war, but after that sacrifice we feel we are getting nothing. Sri Lanka needs a change.”

Mr. Rajapaksa, a flesh-pressing politician whose flashy rallies draw huge crowds, has found himself on the defensive, and his campaign has pulled out all the stops. His grinning face beams down from billboards and posters all across the country. The government has even added his portrait to a new 1,000-rupee note.

Critics have accused him of using state resources, like helicopters to hop around the teardrop-shaped island, to wage his campaign, though his spokesman denied this. State-controlled media have heavily favored him.

Reporters Without Borders, an advocacy group, said in a report that the two main state-owned television channels devoted 98.5 percent of their news coverage to Mr. Rajapaksa.

Mr. Rajapaksa’s rallies have been packed with fervent supporters who venerate him as a bringer of peace.

“He ended the war,” said A. D. R. Premarathna, who owns a small printing shop. “Now we can live without fear.”

Mr. Premarathna waited for five hours in the baking sun with his wife and children to secure a spot in the front row of Mr. Rajapaksa’s rally in Kalutara. “I know he will deliver on his promise to bring prosperity for my children,” he said.

One issued that has hardly figured in the election campaign is the question of human rights violations that may have been committed by the military in the fight against the Tigers. Hundreds of thousands of civilians were trapped on a small stretch of beach where they were held hostage as human shields by the ragged remains of the insurgency’s leadership.

The United Nations counted 7,000 dead in the first phase of the final battle, but no reliable count exists for the last, deadliest weeks of the fighting. Sri Lanka has resisted calls for an international war crimes investigation. After the war, about 300,000 Tamils who had been trapped with the Tigers were detained in squalid, closed camps.

No matter who wins, the competitiveness of the election has already had a profound effect on Sri Lanka, said Rukshana Nanayakkara, deputy executive director of Transparency International Sri Lanka, an anticorruption advocacy organization. The emergence of a credible opposition candidate pushed the government to speed the release of displaced Tamils held in camps, and ease restrictions on journalists, he said.

“This was an opportunity through the campaign to challenge the government,” he said. “Regardless of who wins, that has been a very good thing.”

Fırtına ve kar geliyor

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Türkiye'nin batısı kötü hava koşullarının etkisine giriyor. Bugün Marmara'da fırtına ve kar, güneyde ise aşırı yağmur bekleniyor. İstanbul'da cumartesi günü sıcaklık ortalama -8 derece hissedilecek.

Bugün Marmara'da yaşamı öncelikle fırtına olumsuz etkileyecek. Poyraz İstanbul'dan Çanakkale’ye kadar 70-80 km hızla esecek ve ardından kar gelecek. Kar önce Trakya'da başlayacak.

Gece ve cumartesi günü ise tüm Marmara'da tipi ve yoğun kar yağışı bekleniyor. Marmara'da ve İstanbul'da cumartesi günü sıcaklık dışarıda ortalama -8 derece hissedilecek.

İstanbul'da kar yağışının öğleden sonra Avrupa yakasında başlaması bekleniyor. Ama en yoğun kar gece ve cumartesi gün boyunca bekleniyor. Kar yağışı pazar günü hızını azaltacak ve daha çok Anadolu yakasında görülecek.Kar yağışı cumartesi akşamı ve pazar günü Karadeniz ve İç Anadolu'da da yoğun yağacak

.Bugün Ege bölgesinde de kuvvetli yağmur var. Muğla, Aydın, Fethiye, Marmaris, Antalya'da yağmurun çok şiddetli yağması bekleniyor. Metrekareye 150-200 kg yağmur düşebilir.Ege hafta sonu ise kuvvetli soğuğun etkisinde kalacak. Sıcaklık İzmir’de 4 dereceye inecek. Manisa, Afyon, Kütahya ve Ege’nin tüm dağlarında kar bekleniyor. Cumartesi günü Muğla’ya dahi hafif kar yağabilir.Soğuklar önümüzdeki haftada kalacak.

İSTANBUL'DA ÜÇ GÜN KAR

Meteorolojik tahminlere göre bugün akşam saatlerinden itibaren Trakya bölgesinde kar yağışı başlayacak. Edirne, Çanakkale, Tekirdağ ve Kırklareli'de kar yağışı bekleniyor. Trakya'da etkili olan kar yağışının yarın sabah saatlerine İstanbul'a ulaşması bekleniyor.

Ancak etkili kar yağışının akşam saatlerinde Avrupa yakasında başlayacağı öngörülüyor.

Yağış gece Anadolu yakasında da görülecek ve İstanbul'un tamamı kar yağışının etkisi altına girecek.

Kar bu kez İstanbul'u kolay kolay terketmeyecek. Pazar ve Pazartesi günü de kar yağışının sürmesi bekleniyor. Pazartesi günü akşam saatlerine kadar, etkisini kaybetse de kar yağışı bekleniyor.

İstanbul'da hava ciddi şekilde soğuyacak, soğumakla kalmayıp 3 gün boyunca değerler "0" ın üstüne çıkmaycak. Cumartesi gecesinden itibaren 3 gün boyunca İstanbullular'ın tamamı günün her saatine "0" ın altında yaşayacak.

Sıcaklığın ancak önümüzdeki haftanın ikinci günü, salı günü öğlen saatlerinde "artı" değere yükseleceği öngörülüyor.

Ancak tahminlerin dikkat çektiği asıl yer Karadeniz. Batı Karadeniz'de çok etkili fırtına beklentisi var. Bu geceden itibaren etkisini artırması beklenen kuzey rüzgarları gece yarısından itibaren fırtınaya dönüşecek.

Fırtınanın saatte 100 kilometrenin üstündeki hızlarda esmesi, üstelik etkisini de saatlerce sürdürmesi bekleniyor.

2010 KPSS SINAV TAKVİMİ

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In Europe, the Arts Ask for Alms

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Last week the shadow culture secretary for Britain’s Conservative Party, Jeremy Hunt, promised to introduce “a U.S.-style culture of philanthropy” if the Tories come to power in the coming election. Speaking before the State of the Arts conference in London, Mr. Hunt foresaw a “golden age” of tax breaks to encourage private donations and help cut back on government spending.


Graham Morrison for The New York Times
The Gemäldegalerie in Berlin specializes in Old Masters.
“I do believe in state funding,” he reassured his no doubt partly skeptical audience, “but we are committed to a mixed-economy funding model for the arts.” He added that the party’s shadow chancellor, George Osborne, agreed with him.

And in Paris last month the Pompidou museum was shut down by a strike for more than two weeks, and other museums for several days, because France’s president, Nicolas Sarkozy, also wants to reduce arts support. He has proposed making cuts in the whole state workforce, with its jobs for life and generous pensions, including at cultural institutions like the Louvre, the palace of Versailles and the National Library. The plan is for only one worker to replace every two who retire. The Pompidou Center’s labor union estimates that the museum would lose some 200 jobs in the next decade as a result.

French museums are supposed to raise money if they want more workers. In short, to Americanize the system, as Mr. Hunt is proposing in Britain.

Didier Alaime, who represents the Confédération Générale du Travail, the country’s biggest union, in its dealings with the Culture Ministry, said the other day that “the more public policies are dependent on private financing, the more they risk feeling the ups and downs of the market.” He added, “The more we’re dependent on outside financing, the less we”— he was speaking about the people of France —“control the policies that are financed.”

Mr. Alaime recalled how a few years ago the Louvre relied not on public money but on a gift from Total, the oil company, to pay for the restoration of its Apollo Gallery, where now “the name of the sponsor is more visible than the name of the gallery itself.”

“It gives the impression that culture is merchandise,” he said.

Franck Guillaumet, secretary of the union for Pompidou employees, echoed that thought. He lamented how “we have to struggle against this unfortunate trend in order to preserve the French cultural exception,” as many in France proudly call the country’s brand of cultural protectionism. Increasingly, he added, “we live under a Thatcherian system in which public service and civil servants are demonized.”

The only thing worse for the French than becoming more like America, apparently, is becoming more like Britain.

But Britain and France may not be so far apart when it comes to public versus private financing. For years Americanization has been creeping in in both countries and in others in Europe, like Italy and Germany. American culturati tend to idolize the Old World approach whereby governments pick up the tab for culture. (In the Pompidou’s case more than 70 percent of the cost of running the museum is paid by the French government.) But a consequence is that European cultural institutions have, compared with those in the United States, next to no tradition of private giving. There are few, if any, tax incentives to entice private donations in many countries. Even volunteer work tends to be frowned upon: paid employees seem to consider it a threat, not a boon to public service.

Here in Berlin I often escape for an hour or two to the Gemäldegalerie, this city’s museum of old master paintings, one of the best in the world. But because it’s off the beaten tourist path, and because this is Germany and not France, it is nearly always empty. In room after room of Giotto and Raphael, Titian and Rembrandt, Dürer and Holbein I find myself alone, save for the sandal-clad guards spending quiet days of monkish solitude, sharing what I have come over the years to think of as my private Filippo Lippi, my personal Vermeer, my own Chardins and Watteaus.

It is a glorious gift, and I am grateful to a public financing system that in this particular case is not yet in thrall to, or is proudly resisting, the marketing strategies that have turned the Musée d’Orsay in Paris and the Museum of Modern Art in New York and the Tate Modern in London into the equivalents of Wal-Marts on Black Friday. Bureaucratic benign neglect likewise sustains dozens of German opera companies, whose proliferation is a point of national pride. At the same time, by freeing these companies from market forces, it allows them to answer to pretty much no one except themselves. The abundance of mediocre opera productions in Germany is a consequence.

Even when government-sponsored culture begins with grand ambitions, the machinery of state can grind it down. Just as Georges Pompidou, France’s president, devised the Pompidou museum, his successor François Mitterrand opened the Orsay as part of an attempt to guarantee his own cultural legacy, and then Jacques Chirac did the same with the Branly museum for non-Western cultures. (In France presidents are aspiring Medicis, with public money.) In those cases — politics twisted how objects are displayed, as artifacts of a dubious revisionist history at Orsay and, even if unwittingly, as exhibits in a colonialist zoo at Branly — they also produced shopping-mall-style museums.

The point? Government patronage is no panacea in Europe, admirable and beautiful though it may be in principle and sometimes in reality. Private patronage, meanwhile, can have its distinct advantages. True, strings are usually attached. But a variety of donors tend to allow an institution more independence and flexibility, more lightness on its feet.

In Italy, where government-run museums struggle under sclerotic bureaucracies, private collectors and companies have set up foundations and exhibition spaces like the Fondazione Prada in Milan and the Fondazione Sandretto Re Rebaudengo in Turin that set a standard for contemporary art there. In Germany the Festspielhaus Baden-Baden, an opera house and concert hall criticized by many here for eschewing government money and relying on private patronage, though it has a mixed record, has given the Bayreuth and Salzburg festivals runs for their money.

American museum directors these days must spend their careers passing the tin cup, but by now government grants in the United States, which were always small, are beholden to special interests and awarded to recipients who will offend neither left nor right — so they offer no real alternative.

In an ideal world America would be more like Europe, and vice versa. In America’s case it’s probably too late. For the moment European museums are stuck between privatization and the lack of private donors.

You don’t have to be a Tory to believe that sweetening the pot, tax-wise, would help spur charitable giving. Despite what the French unionist Mr. Alaime said, public support doesn’t spare cultural institutions from cutbacks when the global economy tanks. And rich donors might even help compensate in bad times. In any case they’re necessary. Like it or not, Europe is, in this respect anyway, lurching toward America.

Maia de la Baume contributed reporting from Paris.

TÜSİAD başkanını bugün seçecek

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Türk Sanayicileri ve İşadamları Derneği'nin (TÜSİAD), 40. genel kurulu bugün toplanacak. Genel kurulda, yeni yönetim kurulu ve denetim kurulu üyeleri seçilecek.

TÜSİAD'dan yapılan yazılı açıklamada, saat 09.30'da İstanbul Four Seasons Oteli'nde gerçekleştirilecek genel kurul toplantısının açılış konuşmalarını, TÜSİAD Yüksek İstişare Konseyi (YİK) Başkanı Mustafa Koç ile TÜSİAD Yönetim Kurulu Başkanı Arzuhan Doğan Yalçındağ'ın yapacağı kaydedildi.

Genel kurulda, yeni yönetim kurulu ve denetim kurulu üyeleri seçilecek.

Geçtiğimiz ay gerçekleştirilen TÜSİAD Başkanlar Konseyi toplantısında, halen TÜSİAD Yönetim Kurulu Başkan Yardımcılığı görevini yürüten Ümit Boyner'e yeni dönemde başkanlık görevini üstlenmesinin tavsiye edilmesi kararı alınmıştı

Emekli maaşlarında artış müjdesi

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Sosyal Sigortalar ve Genel Sağlık Sigortası Kanununda değişiklik yapıldı. Yeni düzenlemeyle emekli maaşları arttı.


TBMM Plan ve Bütçe Komisyonunda, “Amme Alacaklarının Tahsil Usulü Hakkında Kanun ile Bazı Kanunlarda Değişiklik Yapılmasına Dair Kanun Tasarısı” kabul edildi. Tasarıya göre, kamu kurum ve kuruluşlarının, devlete ait borçlarına karşılık gayrimenkullerinin Maliye Bakanlığınca satın alınması uygulamasının süresi, 31 Aralık 2014 tarihine kadar uzatılacak. Harçlar Kanununa ekli 8 sayılı tarifede değişiklik yapılacak.

Buna göre, katılım bankaları dahil, banka kuruluş ve faaliyet izin belgeleri; “Türkiye'de kurulan bankalar ile yabancı bankalarca Türkiye'de açılan merkez şubelere ilişkin izin belgeleri (her yıl için)” ile “yabancı banka şubelerine ilişkin belgeler (her banka, her şube ve her yıl için)” 200 bin TL, bütün bankaların, serbest bölgelerdekiler de dahil olmak üzere açılan şubeleri (yabancı bankalarca serbest bölgelerde açılan şubeler hariç) için düzenlenen belgeler (her şube ve her yıl için) bir önceki takvim yılı başındaki nüfusa göre; nüfusu 5 bine kadar olan belediyelerde 12 bin TL, nüfusu 5 bin ile 25 bin arasında olan belediyelerde 36 bin TL, nüfusu 25 binden fazla olan belediyeler ile serbest bölge sınırları içinde 48 bin TL olacak.

DENETİM GİDERLERİ FONDAN KARŞILANACAK

Kısa çalışma taleplerinin uygunluk tespiti için yapılan denetim giderleri, işsizlik fonundan karşılanacak. Kısa çalışma ödeneği için 2008 ve 2009 yılında uygulanan esaslar, 2010 yılında da devam edecek.

Tasarıyla İşsizlik Sigortası Kanunun Geçici 9. maddesinde de değişiklik yapılacak. Buna göre, ilk defa işe alınan ve çalıştırılanlar için sigorta primlerinin işveren hissesine ait tutarlarının İşsizlik Sigortası Fonundan karşılanması uygulaması, 2010 yılında da devam edecek.

YABANCILARIN ÇALIŞMA İZİNLERİ

Türkiye dışında ikamet eden yabancılar, çalışma izni başvurularını bulundukları ülkelerdeki Türkiye Cumhuriyeti temsilciliklerine yapabilecek. Temsilcilikler, bu başvuruları doğrudan Bakanlığa iletecek. Bakanlık ilgili mercilerin görüşlerini alarak başvuruları değerlendirecek.

Durumu uygun görülen yabancılara çalışma izni verilecek. Bu izin, çalışma vizesi ve ikamet izninin alınması halinde geçerlilik kazanacak. Çalışma izin belgesini alan yabancıların, bu belgeyi aldıkları tarihten itibaren en geç 90 gün içinde ülkeye giriş vizesi talebinde bulunmaları, ülkeye giriş yaptıkları tarihten itibaren de en geç 30 gün içinde İçişleri Bakanlığına ikamet tezkeresi almak için başvurmaları zorunlu olacak.

Türkiye'de geçerli ikamet izni olan yabancılar veya bunların işverenleri, başvurularını, Bakanlığa yurt içinden de yapabilecek. Mesleki hizmetler kapsamında çalışacak yabancılara akademik ve mesleki yeterlilik ile ilgili işlemleri tamamlanıncaya kadar, ilgili mevzuat hükümleri saklı kalmak kaydıyla bir yılı geçmemek üzere ön izin verilebilecek.

Mesleki eğitim alanı dışında istihdam edilecek yabancı uyruklu personel için bu Kanunda belirtilen görüşler alınmayacak. Bu kişiler, akademik ve mesleki yeterlilik ile lisans talep ve yeterlilik uygulamasına tabi olmayacak.

Çalışma izinleri, ikamet sahibi yabancılar veya bunların işverenlerinin Bakanlığa yazılı talebi üzerine, çıkarılacak yönetmelik hükümlerine göre verilecek ve uzatılacak.

Usulüne uygun olarak yapılan başvurular, belgelerin tam ve eksiksiz olması kaydıyla Bakanlık tarafından en geç 30 gün içinde sonuçlandırılacak.

İş gücü yetiştirme faaliyetleri ve sonuçları, Denetim Kurulu tarafından denetlenecek. İhtiyaç duyulması halinde birden fazla Denetim Kurulu oluşturulabilecek. Denetim raporları Kurula bildirilecek.

TEŞVİKLER UZATILACAK EMEKLİ MAAŞLARI ARTIRILACAK

Tasarıyla, 49 ilde uygulaması yapılan ve 31 Aralık 2007 tarihinden önce tamamlanan yatırımların sigorta primi işveren hissesi teşvikinin uygulama süresi, 31 Aralık 2012 tarihine kadar uzatılıyor.

Tasarıda, 49 ilde uygulanan ve yatırımların sigorta primi işveren hissesi teşviki için öngörülen 31 Aralık 2004 tarihi, kabul edilen önergeyle 31 Aralık 2007'ye alındı.

TEB İNOVASYON ÇEYREK FİNALİSTLERİ BELLİ OLDU

Paylaş

TEB Akıl Fikir Yarışması Yarı Finalistleri Belli Oldu Öğrenci - Yeni Mezun Kategorisi  AFSUN SARISOY  BAHRAM DOVLETOV  DUYGU AKGÖZ  GÜREL YILDIZ  HALİL AKIN  HÜRRİYET ARİ  METİN TANGÜL  NESRİN YETİŞ  OKTAN ERDİKMEN  OLGUN YILMAZ  ÖZHAN ATALI  RECEP SAVAŞ ÇALIŞ  SEMİH DALKIRAN  ŞULE ERKAN  TAŞTAN SAYGIN SÖNMEZ  TEVFİK UYAR  ÜMİT KAYA  YİĞİT KELEKÇİ  YUSUF BEKİROĞLU  ZERRİN GÜNAY Müşteri Kategorisi  AHMET TAŞDELEN  BEKİR HAKAN ÜNVERDİ  BÜLENT HANCI  ÇAĞHAN ÇİMEN  HAKAN - AYŞEN KILIÇ  İZZET CESİM  MURAT AKPINAR  ÖZGÜR KILINÇLAR  SİBEL GÜRSES  YAVUZ ÖZKAN Not; İsimler harf sırası ile listelenmiştir. Yarı finalist adaylarımızdan herhangi bir detay sunum talep edilmemektedir.

Süper Lig için 321 milyon dolar

Paylaş Süper Lig'in yayın hakları 321 milyon dolar bedelle 4 yıllığına daha Digiturk'te kalırken B Paketinin sahibi TRT oldu. A Paketi için 320 bin 950 bin dolara kadar çıkan ancak çekilmeye karar veren Türk Telekom, C Paketi için tek teklifi sunarak mobil hakları kazandıSüper Lig'in yayın hakları 321 milyon dolar bedelle 4 yıllığına daha Digiturk'te kalırken B Paketinin sahibi TRT oldu. A Paketi için 320 bin 950 bin dolara kadar çıkan ancak çekilmeye karar veren Türk Telekom, C Paketi için tek teklifi sunarak mobil hakları kazandı.

İSTANBUL - Türkiye Futbol Federasyonu (TFF) Süper Lig ve TFF 1. Lig 2010-14 sezonları 'Medya Hakları İhalesi' gerçekleştirildi. Süper Lig yayın hakları 321 milyon dolara Digiturk'ün olurken B Paketi yani 1. Lig haklarını TRT, C Paketi yani mobil hakları da Türk Telekom kazandı.

NEFES KESEN BİR İHALE GERÇEKLEŞTİ
İstinye'deki Futbol Federasyonu binasında gerçekleştirilen ihale, tekliflerin kapalı zarf içerisinde TFF Medya Hakları İhale Komisyonu ve notere teslim edilmesinin ardından gerekli incelemelerin tamamlanması ile başladı.

Süper Lig yayın haklarını kapsayan A paketi için iki, 1. Lig'i kapsayan B paketi için 1, mobil hakları içeren C paketi için de 1 teklif geldi.