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POYRAZKÖY'de ele geçirilen mühimmata ilişkin yazılan iddianame İstanbul 12. Ağır Ceza Mahkemesi tarafından kabul edildi. İddianamenin kabulu ile aralarında bir tuğamiral ile muvazzaf subayların da bulunduğu 17 kişi hakkında dava açılmış oldu.
"Ergenekon" soruşturması kapsamında Poyrazköy’deki kazılarda ele geçirilen mühimmata ilişkin 5’i tutuklu 17 kişi hakkında hazırlanan iddianame, İstanbul 12. Ağır Ceza Mahkemesince kabul edildi.
İstanbul 12. Ağır Ceza Mahkemesi, İstanbul Cumhuriyet Savcılığınca 21 ve 28 Nisan 2009 tarihleri arasında Poyrazköy Keçilik mevkisinde yapılan kazılarda bulunan mühimmatla ilgili 5’i tutuklu 17 kişi hakkında hazırlanan iddianamenin incelemesini tamamladı.
Mahkeme, yaklaşık 300 sayfa ve soruşturma delillerinin içerisinde bulunduğu 24 ek klasörden oluşan iddianameyi kabul etti.
Poyrazköy Keçilik mevkisinde 21 Nisan 2009 tarihinde başlatılan kazılara 28 Nisan 2009’a kadar devam edilmiş, kazılarda 15’i dolu 21 lav silahı, 14 el bombası, 24 el bombası fünyesi, 450 gram C3 patlayıcı madde, 7 adet hakem bombası, 3 adet gösteri bombası, 5 bubi tuzağı, 2 kullanılmış bubi tuzağı, 23 işaret fişeği, 45 sis bombası, 15 aydınlatma fişeği, 30 metre uzunluğunda infilaklı fitil (korteks), 38 metre uzunluğunda saniyeli fitil, 3 bin 17 adet çeşitli çapta fişek ve 1 adet siyah renkli kamuflaj kremi tüpü ele geçirilmişti.
İDDİANAMEDE YER ALAN SUÇLAMALAR
Poyrazköy iddianamesinde sanıklar hakkındaki suçlamalar:
Bir Adet Ateşli Silah ve Mutat Sayıdaki Mermileri Bulundurma
Ruhsatsız Ateşli Silahlarla Mermileri Satın Alma veya Taşıma veya Bulundurma
Sayı ve Nitelik Bakımından Vahim Olan Silah veya Mermileri Satın Alınması Taşınması Bulundurulması
Silahlı Terör Örgütüne Üye Olma
Tehlikeli Maddeleri İzinsiz Olarak Bulundurma veya El Değiştirme
Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisini Ortadan Kaldırmaya veya Görevini Yapmasını Engellemeye Teşebbüs Etme
Türkiye Cumhuriyeti Hükümetini Ortadan Kaldırmaya veya Görevini Yapmasını Engellemeye Teşebbüs Etme
Önemsiz Tür ve Miktarda Patlayıcı Maddeyi Satın Alma, Kabul Etme veya Bulundurma
İDDİANAMEDE ADI GEÇEN SANIKLAR
TAYFUN DUMAN Sanık
ERGİN GELDİKAYA Sanık ...
LEVENT BEKTAŞ Sanık ..
.MUSTAFA TURHAN ECEVİT Sanık ...
ERCAN KİREÇTEPE Sanık ...
EREN GÜNAY Sanık ...
ERME ONAT Sanık ...
İBRAHİM KORAY ÖZYURT Sanık ...
ŞAFAK YÜREKLİ Sanık ...
MUHARREM NURİ ALACALI Sanık ...
LEVENT GÖRGEÇ Sanık
MERT YANIK Sanık ...
DORA SUNGUNAY Sanık
HALİL CURA Sanık ...
SADETTİN DOĞAN Sanık ...
FERUDUN ARSLAN Sanık ...
ALİ TÜRKŞEN Sanık ...
27 Ocak 2010 Çarşamba
25 Ocak 2010 Pazartesi
Nicolas Sarkozy défend sa politique sur TF1
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Nicolas Sarkozy était l'invité, lundi 25 janvier, du journal de 20 heures de TF1 où il a été brièvement interviewé par la journaliste Laurence Ferrari. Il a ensuite répondu aux questions d'un panel de onze Français dans une émission animée par Jean-Pierre Pernaut. Au cours de cette soirée, plusieurs thématiques ont été abordées.
Chômage. Le président a annoncé un reflux du chômage "dès cette année". Selon lui, la France a "résisté plutôt mieux que les autres, puisque le chômage a doublé aux Etats-Unis, doublé en Espagne, augmenté de 60 % au Royaume-Uni. Un seul pays a fait mieux que nous en la matière, c'est l'Allemagne", a-t-il souligné. "Nous, on a quand même pris 450 000 chômeurs en plus" mais "c'est en train de se retourner", a-t-il affirmé.
Retraites. "Les décisions que nous aurons à prendre concerneront tout le monde", salariés du privé et agents publics, a affirmé Nicolas Sarkozy. Après avoir rappelé que la réforme de 1993 n'avait concerné que le secteur privé, celle de 2003, les fonctionnaires et celle de 2007, les bénéficiaires des régimes spéciaux, il a confirmé que, "avant la fin de l'année, nous aurons pris les décisions qu'il faut". Le chef de l'Etat a promis de ne pas revenir sur le régime par répartition et de ne pas réduire les pensions mais il a, en revanche, dit travailler sur la perspective d'un allongement de la durée de cotisation et sur la question de la pénibilité du travail. Il a souhaité "qu'il y ait le consensus le plus large possible", et estimé que c'était son "devoir" de discuter avec la première secrétaire du PS, Martine Aubry, qui a évoqué un départ à la retraite à "61, 62 ans".
Renault. Le président a affirmé que les Clio 4 destinées à être vendues en France seraient produites dans l'usine de Flins (Yvelines) et que ce modèle ne serait donc pas fariqué entièrement en Turquie. "La stratégie de Renault ces dix dernières années, je ne l'accepte pas", a-t-il déclaré. Interpellé sur une éventuelle interdiction des délocalisations, le chef de l'Etat a répondu que "ce n'est pas une question d'interdire". "Si on veut vendre des voitures à la Chine, naturellement il faudra construire des voitures en Chine", a-t-il poursuivi, "mais je n'accepte pas que des voitures qui sont vendues en France soient construites à l'étranger".
Henri Proglio ne pourra cumuler ses fonctions de président non exécutif de Veolia avec son poste de PDG d'EDF que pendant "quelques mois", afin d'assurer une transition. "Quand la transition sera achevée il se dévouera à 100 % à ses fonctions à EDF", a-t-il déclaré. Il a cependant défendu les salaires élevés des grands patrons à la condition qu'ils assument leurs erreurs : "Je préfère un bon patron bien payé qu'un mauvais mal payé [...]. Ce qui me choque, c'est le gros salaire qui ne correspond pas à une grosse responsabilité, c'est ceux qui sont contents quand tout va bien de ramasser l'argent et, quand ça va mal, il n'y a plus personne pour les malus", a-t-il ajouté.
Fonction publique. Nicolas Sarkozy s'est déclaré "prêt à envisager la titularisation progressive des contractuels" dans la fonction publique, dont il juge la situation "profondément anormale". "L'Etat ne peut pas dire aux entreprises : faites des CDI, contrats à durée indéterminée, plutôt que des CDD, contrats à durée déterminée, et proposer des contractuels", a-t-il affirmé. Il s'est également déclaré très favorable à "la diversification des voies d'accès à la fonction publique", qui se fait aujourd'hui sur concours.
Clandestins débarqués en Corse. "Je le dis très simplement, nous soignons ces personnes, nous les nourrissons, nous les réconfortons, (...) et nous les raccompagnerons chez eux", a affirmé le chef de l'Etat. "Parce que si nous ne faisons pas ça, alors les esclavagistes du monde entier et les réseaux criminels du monde entier tireront la conclusion qu'on peut faire débarquer n'importe comment des pauvres gens sur les plages de France. Le message est très clair", a-t-il expliqué.
Afghanistan. Le chef de l'Etat et des armées exclut d'envoyer "de nouveaux soldats combattants". A trois jours de la conférence de Londres sur l'Afghanistan, il a cependant déclaré que "si on a besoin de davantage de gens pour former (l'armée afghane), encadrer la police, réaliser des travaux de génie civil, aider la population ou à l'afghanistation, pourquoi pas". Interrogé sur les journalistes français otages en Afghanistan, il a affirmé qu'ils "sont en vie, en bonne santé, mais la situation est extrêmement difficile et extrêmement périlleuse". Il "sera temps une fois qu'on les aura fait revenir dans leurs familles de voir ce qui s'est passé, et pourquoi ils se sont conduits comme cela", a poursuivi le président de la République.
Taxe carbone. Le président a répété qu'il se battrait pour l'instauration d'une taxe carbone "aux frontières de l'Europe", une question qui est loin de faire l'unanimité parmi les 27. "On ne va pas imposer à nos industriels une taxe carbone et importer en France des produits fabriqués dans des pays où ils ne font rien pour protéger l'environnement", a-t-il expliqué.
Nicolas Sarkozy était l'invité, lundi 25 janvier, du journal de 20 heures de TF1 où il a été brièvement interviewé par la journaliste Laurence Ferrari. Il a ensuite répondu aux questions d'un panel de onze Français dans une émission animée par Jean-Pierre Pernaut. Au cours de cette soirée, plusieurs thématiques ont été abordées.
Chômage. Le président a annoncé un reflux du chômage "dès cette année". Selon lui, la France a "résisté plutôt mieux que les autres, puisque le chômage a doublé aux Etats-Unis, doublé en Espagne, augmenté de 60 % au Royaume-Uni. Un seul pays a fait mieux que nous en la matière, c'est l'Allemagne", a-t-il souligné. "Nous, on a quand même pris 450 000 chômeurs en plus" mais "c'est en train de se retourner", a-t-il affirmé.
Retraites. "Les décisions que nous aurons à prendre concerneront tout le monde", salariés du privé et agents publics, a affirmé Nicolas Sarkozy. Après avoir rappelé que la réforme de 1993 n'avait concerné que le secteur privé, celle de 2003, les fonctionnaires et celle de 2007, les bénéficiaires des régimes spéciaux, il a confirmé que, "avant la fin de l'année, nous aurons pris les décisions qu'il faut". Le chef de l'Etat a promis de ne pas revenir sur le régime par répartition et de ne pas réduire les pensions mais il a, en revanche, dit travailler sur la perspective d'un allongement de la durée de cotisation et sur la question de la pénibilité du travail. Il a souhaité "qu'il y ait le consensus le plus large possible", et estimé que c'était son "devoir" de discuter avec la première secrétaire du PS, Martine Aubry, qui a évoqué un départ à la retraite à "61, 62 ans".
Renault. Le président a affirmé que les Clio 4 destinées à être vendues en France seraient produites dans l'usine de Flins (Yvelines) et que ce modèle ne serait donc pas fariqué entièrement en Turquie. "La stratégie de Renault ces dix dernières années, je ne l'accepte pas", a-t-il déclaré. Interpellé sur une éventuelle interdiction des délocalisations, le chef de l'Etat a répondu que "ce n'est pas une question d'interdire". "Si on veut vendre des voitures à la Chine, naturellement il faudra construire des voitures en Chine", a-t-il poursuivi, "mais je n'accepte pas que des voitures qui sont vendues en France soient construites à l'étranger".
Henri Proglio ne pourra cumuler ses fonctions de président non exécutif de Veolia avec son poste de PDG d'EDF que pendant "quelques mois", afin d'assurer une transition. "Quand la transition sera achevée il se dévouera à 100 % à ses fonctions à EDF", a-t-il déclaré. Il a cependant défendu les salaires élevés des grands patrons à la condition qu'ils assument leurs erreurs : "Je préfère un bon patron bien payé qu'un mauvais mal payé [...]. Ce qui me choque, c'est le gros salaire qui ne correspond pas à une grosse responsabilité, c'est ceux qui sont contents quand tout va bien de ramasser l'argent et, quand ça va mal, il n'y a plus personne pour les malus", a-t-il ajouté.
Fonction publique. Nicolas Sarkozy s'est déclaré "prêt à envisager la titularisation progressive des contractuels" dans la fonction publique, dont il juge la situation "profondément anormale". "L'Etat ne peut pas dire aux entreprises : faites des CDI, contrats à durée indéterminée, plutôt que des CDD, contrats à durée déterminée, et proposer des contractuels", a-t-il affirmé. Il s'est également déclaré très favorable à "la diversification des voies d'accès à la fonction publique", qui se fait aujourd'hui sur concours.
Clandestins débarqués en Corse. "Je le dis très simplement, nous soignons ces personnes, nous les nourrissons, nous les réconfortons, (...) et nous les raccompagnerons chez eux", a affirmé le chef de l'Etat. "Parce que si nous ne faisons pas ça, alors les esclavagistes du monde entier et les réseaux criminels du monde entier tireront la conclusion qu'on peut faire débarquer n'importe comment des pauvres gens sur les plages de France. Le message est très clair", a-t-il expliqué.
Afghanistan. Le chef de l'Etat et des armées exclut d'envoyer "de nouveaux soldats combattants". A trois jours de la conférence de Londres sur l'Afghanistan, il a cependant déclaré que "si on a besoin de davantage de gens pour former (l'armée afghane), encadrer la police, réaliser des travaux de génie civil, aider la population ou à l'afghanistation, pourquoi pas". Interrogé sur les journalistes français otages en Afghanistan, il a affirmé qu'ils "sont en vie, en bonne santé, mais la situation est extrêmement difficile et extrêmement périlleuse". Il "sera temps une fois qu'on les aura fait revenir dans leurs familles de voir ce qui s'est passé, et pourquoi ils se sont conduits comme cela", a poursuivi le président de la République.
Taxe carbone. Le président a répété qu'il se battrait pour l'instauration d'une taxe carbone "aux frontières de l'Europe", une question qui est loin de faire l'unanimité parmi les 27. "On ne va pas imposer à nos industriels une taxe carbone et importer en France des produits fabriqués dans des pays où ils ne font rien pour protéger l'environnement", a-t-il expliqué.
Zanetti: "Segnale di forza"Leonardo smorza la polemica
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Il capitano nerazzurro: "L'arbitraggio? Chiediamo solo di tenere gli occhi aperti". Duro l'a.d. Paolillo: "Qualcosa non va. Si vuole riaprire i giochi in modo non leale". Intanto il caso della maschera di Berlusconi finisce in Procura federale. Il ministro La Russa, interista: "Materazzi si scusi". Il tecnico rossonero resta un signore: "Uno scherzo"
MILANO, 25 gennaio 2010 - "L'Inter ieri ha dato un grande segnale, ma il campionato è ancora aperto". È il pensiero di Javier Zanetti all'indomani del derby contro il Milan dominato dai nerazzurri. "C'è grande felicità, è stata una vittoria molto importante - ha detto il capitano dell'Inter a Sky tornando sul perentorio 2-0 di San Siro - la squadra ha dimostrato grande carattere e personalità e ha meritato la vittoria. Sapevamo che l'approccio alla partita era molto importante e la squadra ha dimostrato fin dall'inizio di voler vincere" osserva l'argentino. "Ieri abbiamo dato un grande segnale, il Milan ha fatto la sua partita e ha cercato di imporre il suo gioco, ma ha trovato un'Inter che fin dall'inizio ha avuto un approccio fondamentale, soprattutto per questo tipo di partite". Ora i punti di vantaggio sul Milan sono 9. "Ma mancano ancora tante partite e anche se il Milan ha perso rimarrà in corsa fino alla fine insieme a noi. E poi altre squadre si stanno avvicinando". La dirigenza dell'Inter si è lamentata per l'arbitraggio di Rocchi: "Non pensiamo che ci sia nulla contro di noi, ma chiediamo solo di tenere gli occhi aperti, soprattutto dopo quello che è successo nelle ultime partite. È giusto che noi ci facciamo sentire".
Gli interisti intorno a Rocchi dopo l'espulsione di Snejider. Ansa l'espulsione — Zanetti in particolare si sofferma sull'espulsione di Sneijder al 26' del primo tempo: "Poteva complicare la partita, perché di fronte avevamo una grande squadra come il Milan. È vero che eravamo in vantaggio 1-0, ma c'erano tanti minuti da giocare e non era facile. La squadra ancora una volta si è comportata alla grande". Il morale dell'Inter è alto, così come quello di Josè Mourinho: "Il mister è molto contento - dice Zanetti - perché con il Milan è una partita molto sentita e sappiamo che cosa vuol dire vincere il derby. Il tecnico e la dirigenza ci hanno fatto i complimenti per come abbiamo interpretato questa partita, che non era facile. È stato uno dei derby più belli e intensi, perché con l'espulsione di Sneijder purtroppo siamo stati costretti a fare un altro tipo di gara".
congiura — Con riferimento all'arbitraggio del derby, in mattinata, a Radio Anch'io Lo sport, Ernesto Paolillo era stato molto duro: "C'è qualcosa che non va: si vuole riaprire il campionato non riconoscendo la superiorità di una squadra, e lo si vuole fare in una maniera non troppo leale". Queste sferzanti dichiarazioni dell'amministratore delegato dei nerazzurri: "Gli elementi che possono portare a riaprire un campionato non sul campo ci sono tutti - ha insistito Paolillo, spiegando che - il derby è stato emozionante e fantastico anche per l'atmosfera, e per la volontà dei giocatori di vincerlo contro tutti e tutto. Non credo alla congiura, ma di un'aria psicologica".
Materazzi con la maschera di Berlusconi a fine derby. Reuters la maschera — Tra le polemiche della partita, anche se senz'altro minori, è finita anche la maschera di gomma di Silvio Berlusconi indossata da Marco Materazzi a fine partita. Il difensore interista oggi ha spiegato tutto dalle pagine del suo sito per rispondere a chi non ha apprezzato: "Come sempre, quello che fa Materazzi fa discutere. Anche una maschera di carnevale, di quelle che si vendono ovunque, che ho messo per festeggiare la vittoria di ieri sera: una goliardata da derby, niente di più. Nessun intento polemico, nessuna volontà di offendere, nessuna implicazione politica, ci mancherebbe. Anche perché in politica, e chi mi conosce bene lo sa, non sono mai voluto entrare. Proprio per questo sono sicuro che il cavalier Berlusconi, in qualità di presidente del Milan e soprattutto di persona con grande senso di autoironia, perché è così che l'ho conosciuto, vedendomi avrà sorriso". "Voglio credere che la gag gli sia piaciuta e non si sia offeso, perché non volevo prendere in giro proprio nessuno: tant'è vero che sono andato solo verso la curva dei nostri tifosi, evitando di incrociare giocatori e tifosi milanisti. Come si fa per festeggiare un derby vinto, appunto".
Ingazio La Russa (a sinistra), ministro della Difesa. Ansa le reazioni — La gag sarà anche piaciuta, ma ora ci sono strascichi: è stata infatti inserita nel rapporto che i collaboratori della Procura federale Figc hanno inviato al giudice sportivo, Giampaolo Tosel, ora alle prese con la decisione sull' episodio. Ed è intervenuto anche Ignazio La Russa, ministro della Difesa e grande tifoso interista: "Chiamerò Berlusconi e Materazzi per favorire un contatto, una telefonata, che consenta al giocatore di scusarsi e spiegare che non intendeva offendere il presidente del Consiglio. "Materazzi è un burlone, è una persona che ama lo sport e ama fare delle goliardate - spiega La Russa - ricordo quando poggiò un lungo cappello a cilindro sulla Coppa del mondo, a Berlino, nel 2006. Però Berlusconi è il presidente del Consiglio e questo gesto del giocatore può essere strumentalizzato. Adesso lo chiamo e gli chiedo di fare una telefonata al presidente Berlusconi. D'altra parte non ho mai visto nessun calciatore prendersela con il presidente di una squadra di calcio - conclude La Russa - non ho mai visto giocatori in campo sbeffeggiare, sia pure simpaticamente, un dirigente. Penso che Materazzi non abbia dato peso al suo gesto".
signor leonardo — Nessun complotto ai danni dell'Inter. Superato dalla squadra nerazzurra nel derby della Madonnina, l'allenatore del Milan, Leonardo nega - ai microfoni di Striscia la Notizia - l'esistenza di una sorta di congiura, adombrata dal tecnico Mourinho per bloccare la corsa interista in testa alla classifica della serie A. "Credo che l'Inter vinca da 4-5 anni e non penso che ci sia", ha replicato all'inviato Valerio Staffelli che gli chiedeva se vi fosse, in campionato, un vento contrario alla capolista. Deciso nel cancellare ogni sospetto sulla regolarità del campionato, Leonardo - destinatario di un 'Tapiro d'orò per la sconfitta contro i cugini - liquida con un "sono cose scherzose", i festeggiamenti di Marco Materazzi con indosso una una maschera del presidente del Consiglio e patron rossonero Silvio Berlusconi e definisce una "questione di regolamento" l'espulsione per proteste dell'interista Sneijder nel primo tempo della sfida del Meazza. "Queste - ha aggiunto riferendosi ancora al cartellino rosso per l'olandese - sono cose che incidono sul risultato di una partita ma non determinano la conquista o meno di uno scudetto. Quanto al futuro - ha chiosato Leonardo pensando agli impegni in Coppa Italia e Champion League oltre che al prosieguo del campionato - abbiamo ancora tante cose da fare".
Il capitano nerazzurro: "L'arbitraggio? Chiediamo solo di tenere gli occhi aperti". Duro l'a.d. Paolillo: "Qualcosa non va. Si vuole riaprire i giochi in modo non leale". Intanto il caso della maschera di Berlusconi finisce in Procura federale. Il ministro La Russa, interista: "Materazzi si scusi". Il tecnico rossonero resta un signore: "Uno scherzo"
MILANO, 25 gennaio 2010 - "L'Inter ieri ha dato un grande segnale, ma il campionato è ancora aperto". È il pensiero di Javier Zanetti all'indomani del derby contro il Milan dominato dai nerazzurri. "C'è grande felicità, è stata una vittoria molto importante - ha detto il capitano dell'Inter a Sky tornando sul perentorio 2-0 di San Siro - la squadra ha dimostrato grande carattere e personalità e ha meritato la vittoria. Sapevamo che l'approccio alla partita era molto importante e la squadra ha dimostrato fin dall'inizio di voler vincere" osserva l'argentino. "Ieri abbiamo dato un grande segnale, il Milan ha fatto la sua partita e ha cercato di imporre il suo gioco, ma ha trovato un'Inter che fin dall'inizio ha avuto un approccio fondamentale, soprattutto per questo tipo di partite". Ora i punti di vantaggio sul Milan sono 9. "Ma mancano ancora tante partite e anche se il Milan ha perso rimarrà in corsa fino alla fine insieme a noi. E poi altre squadre si stanno avvicinando". La dirigenza dell'Inter si è lamentata per l'arbitraggio di Rocchi: "Non pensiamo che ci sia nulla contro di noi, ma chiediamo solo di tenere gli occhi aperti, soprattutto dopo quello che è successo nelle ultime partite. È giusto che noi ci facciamo sentire".
Gli interisti intorno a Rocchi dopo l'espulsione di Snejider. Ansa l'espulsione — Zanetti in particolare si sofferma sull'espulsione di Sneijder al 26' del primo tempo: "Poteva complicare la partita, perché di fronte avevamo una grande squadra come il Milan. È vero che eravamo in vantaggio 1-0, ma c'erano tanti minuti da giocare e non era facile. La squadra ancora una volta si è comportata alla grande". Il morale dell'Inter è alto, così come quello di Josè Mourinho: "Il mister è molto contento - dice Zanetti - perché con il Milan è una partita molto sentita e sappiamo che cosa vuol dire vincere il derby. Il tecnico e la dirigenza ci hanno fatto i complimenti per come abbiamo interpretato questa partita, che non era facile. È stato uno dei derby più belli e intensi, perché con l'espulsione di Sneijder purtroppo siamo stati costretti a fare un altro tipo di gara".
congiura — Con riferimento all'arbitraggio del derby, in mattinata, a Radio Anch'io Lo sport, Ernesto Paolillo era stato molto duro: "C'è qualcosa che non va: si vuole riaprire il campionato non riconoscendo la superiorità di una squadra, e lo si vuole fare in una maniera non troppo leale". Queste sferzanti dichiarazioni dell'amministratore delegato dei nerazzurri: "Gli elementi che possono portare a riaprire un campionato non sul campo ci sono tutti - ha insistito Paolillo, spiegando che - il derby è stato emozionante e fantastico anche per l'atmosfera, e per la volontà dei giocatori di vincerlo contro tutti e tutto. Non credo alla congiura, ma di un'aria psicologica".
Materazzi con la maschera di Berlusconi a fine derby. Reuters la maschera — Tra le polemiche della partita, anche se senz'altro minori, è finita anche la maschera di gomma di Silvio Berlusconi indossata da Marco Materazzi a fine partita. Il difensore interista oggi ha spiegato tutto dalle pagine del suo sito per rispondere a chi non ha apprezzato: "Come sempre, quello che fa Materazzi fa discutere. Anche una maschera di carnevale, di quelle che si vendono ovunque, che ho messo per festeggiare la vittoria di ieri sera: una goliardata da derby, niente di più. Nessun intento polemico, nessuna volontà di offendere, nessuna implicazione politica, ci mancherebbe. Anche perché in politica, e chi mi conosce bene lo sa, non sono mai voluto entrare. Proprio per questo sono sicuro che il cavalier Berlusconi, in qualità di presidente del Milan e soprattutto di persona con grande senso di autoironia, perché è così che l'ho conosciuto, vedendomi avrà sorriso". "Voglio credere che la gag gli sia piaciuta e non si sia offeso, perché non volevo prendere in giro proprio nessuno: tant'è vero che sono andato solo verso la curva dei nostri tifosi, evitando di incrociare giocatori e tifosi milanisti. Come si fa per festeggiare un derby vinto, appunto".
Ingazio La Russa (a sinistra), ministro della Difesa. Ansa le reazioni — La gag sarà anche piaciuta, ma ora ci sono strascichi: è stata infatti inserita nel rapporto che i collaboratori della Procura federale Figc hanno inviato al giudice sportivo, Giampaolo Tosel, ora alle prese con la decisione sull' episodio. Ed è intervenuto anche Ignazio La Russa, ministro della Difesa e grande tifoso interista: "Chiamerò Berlusconi e Materazzi per favorire un contatto, una telefonata, che consenta al giocatore di scusarsi e spiegare che non intendeva offendere il presidente del Consiglio. "Materazzi è un burlone, è una persona che ama lo sport e ama fare delle goliardate - spiega La Russa - ricordo quando poggiò un lungo cappello a cilindro sulla Coppa del mondo, a Berlino, nel 2006. Però Berlusconi è il presidente del Consiglio e questo gesto del giocatore può essere strumentalizzato. Adesso lo chiamo e gli chiedo di fare una telefonata al presidente Berlusconi. D'altra parte non ho mai visto nessun calciatore prendersela con il presidente di una squadra di calcio - conclude La Russa - non ho mai visto giocatori in campo sbeffeggiare, sia pure simpaticamente, un dirigente. Penso che Materazzi non abbia dato peso al suo gesto".
signor leonardo — Nessun complotto ai danni dell'Inter. Superato dalla squadra nerazzurra nel derby della Madonnina, l'allenatore del Milan, Leonardo nega - ai microfoni di Striscia la Notizia - l'esistenza di una sorta di congiura, adombrata dal tecnico Mourinho per bloccare la corsa interista in testa alla classifica della serie A. "Credo che l'Inter vinca da 4-5 anni e non penso che ci sia", ha replicato all'inviato Valerio Staffelli che gli chiedeva se vi fosse, in campionato, un vento contrario alla capolista. Deciso nel cancellare ogni sospetto sulla regolarità del campionato, Leonardo - destinatario di un 'Tapiro d'orò per la sconfitta contro i cugini - liquida con un "sono cose scherzose", i festeggiamenti di Marco Materazzi con indosso una una maschera del presidente del Consiglio e patron rossonero Silvio Berlusconi e definisce una "questione di regolamento" l'espulsione per proteste dell'interista Sneijder nel primo tempo della sfida del Meazza. "Queste - ha aggiunto riferendosi ancora al cartellino rosso per l'olandese - sono cose che incidono sul risultato di una partita ma non determinano la conquista o meno di uno scudetto. Quanto al futuro - ha chiosato Leonardo pensando agli impegni in Coppa Italia e Champion League oltre che al prosieguo del campionato - abbiamo ancora tante cose da fare".
Das sind die besten Schnäppchen
Paylaş
Sie haben noch Resturlaub übrig oder wollen spontan ein paar Tage freimachen? Dann nichts wie raus aus dem Winter! Mit diesen Last-Minute-Schnäppchen flüchten Sie in die Sonne – mit bis zu ...
... 3 Stunden Flugzeit
• Mallorca, 27.01. bis 3.2, 4-Sterne-Hotel L’Illot Suites & Spa mit Übernachtung/HP in der Juniorsuite für 386 Euro, z. B. ab Frankfurt (L’tur)
• Mallorca, Club alltoura Orient Beach (4 Sterne), Sa Coma, 1 Woche im Appartement, Alles inklusive, ab 31.1., pro Person ab 336 Euro (Alltours).
• Türkische Riviera, Side, Adalya Resort (5 Sterne), 1 Woche/Doppelzimmer, Alles inklusive, ab 1.2., pro Person ab 287 Euro. (Alltours)
... 5 Stunden Flugzeit
• Gran Canaria, Riu Club Vistamar (4 Sterne), Playa Amadores, 7 Nächte, z. B. ab 7.2. ab Frankfurt, Alles Inklusive, pro Person ab 593 Euro (TUI).
• Fuerteventura, Primasol Golden Beach (4 Sterne), Costa Calma, 1 Woche, Doppelzimmer, Alles inklusive, ab 15.2. oder 22.2. ab Düsseldorf, pro Person ab 399 Euro (ITS).
• Gran Canaria, Sheraton Solobre Golf Resort, Luxusklasse mit Übernachtung Halbpension im Deluxe-Zimmer, 27.1. bis 3.2., z. B. ab Köln/Bonn, 590 Euro (L’tur).
Sie haben noch Resturlaub übrig oder wollen spontan ein paar Tage freimachen? Dann nichts wie raus aus dem Winter! Mit diesen Last-Minute-Schnäppchen flüchten Sie in die Sonne – mit bis zu ...
... 3 Stunden Flugzeit
• Mallorca, 27.01. bis 3.2, 4-Sterne-Hotel L’Illot Suites & Spa mit Übernachtung/HP in der Juniorsuite für 386 Euro, z. B. ab Frankfurt (L’tur)
• Mallorca, Club alltoura Orient Beach (4 Sterne), Sa Coma, 1 Woche im Appartement, Alles inklusive, ab 31.1., pro Person ab 336 Euro (Alltours).
• Türkische Riviera, Side, Adalya Resort (5 Sterne), 1 Woche/Doppelzimmer, Alles inklusive, ab 1.2., pro Person ab 287 Euro. (Alltours)
... 5 Stunden Flugzeit
• Gran Canaria, Riu Club Vistamar (4 Sterne), Playa Amadores, 7 Nächte, z. B. ab 7.2. ab Frankfurt, Alles Inklusive, pro Person ab 593 Euro (TUI).
• Fuerteventura, Primasol Golden Beach (4 Sterne), Costa Calma, 1 Woche, Doppelzimmer, Alles inklusive, ab 15.2. oder 22.2. ab Düsseldorf, pro Person ab 399 Euro (ITS).
• Gran Canaria, Sheraton Solobre Golf Resort, Luxusklasse mit Übernachtung Halbpension im Deluxe-Zimmer, 27.1. bis 3.2., z. B. ab Köln/Bonn, 590 Euro (L’tur).
O’Brien Undone by His Media-Hopping Fans
Paylaş
Conan O’Brien made a triumphant exit from NBC Friday night, accompanied by one of the most impressive outpourings of support by younger viewers that any late-night host had ever seen — and Mr. O’Brien was effusive in his thanks for their backing.
But he might have said: Where were you when I needed you?
In the tumult that surrounded NBC’s late-night shake-up last week, one thing was certain: If even a small fraction of the additional younger viewers who flocked to Mr. O’Brien’s show last week had turned up regularly in his earlier ratings results, he would almost surely still be hosting “The Tonight Show.”
Instead, for most of this past fall, Mr. O’Brien struggled to command the young viewers he needed to counter a falloff in overall audience numbers.
While he began to drop behind his chief late-night competitor, David Letterman on CBS, among total viewers, it was more alarming to NBC that Mr. O’Brien was not consistently beating Mr. Letterman in several important advertising-sales demographic groups — viewers 18 to 49 and 25 to 54. (He did beat Mr. Letterman virtually all the time in the 18-to-34 group.)
But to NBC’s surprise and disappointment, Mr. O’Brien fell behind his predecessor, Jay Leno, even among those 18-to-34 viewers, the group expected to be his core constituency. (From his start in June through the end of 2009, Mr. O’Brien averaged 716,000 viewers in that age group, down from the 759,000 Mr. Leno averaged the previous six months.)
Several television researchers said in interviews that this outcome might have been easily predicted, not because Mr. O’Brien does not appeal to younger viewers — he clearly does, as evidenced by the large numbers he attracted for his closing shows — but because regularly assembling those young adult viewers in significant numbers in the late-night hours has become a daunting, if not impossible, task.
“The 18-to-34 group is so difficult to attract and the lower half, 18 to 25, is the hardest of all,” said Jack MacKenzie, the president of the millennial strategy program for the research firm Frank N. Magid Associates.
Compounding the problem, said a senior research executive for another company, was the fact that Mr. O’Brien was especially appealing to young men. “And that group doesn’t watch television very regularly,” said the executive, who asked not to be named because his business competes with NBC.
Instead of watching Mr. O’Brien most nights, Mr. MacKenzie said, those young viewers have been watching everything from similar shows like “The Colbert Report” on Comedy Central, to cartoons on the “Adult Swim” franchise on the Cartoon Network, and the ever-present array of sports and sports news on ESPN and its sister channels.
In comparison with the 719,000 viewers in the 18-to-34 group that Mr. O’Brien had been averaging, Stephen Colbert on his “Colbert Report,” in the same six- month period in 2009, averaged 746,000 viewers ages 18 to 34. The cartoons on “Adult Swim” — mostly “Family Guy” and “Robot Chicken” — averaged 619,000 of those viewers. ESPN from 11 p.m. to 1 a.m., with varied programs that included both live sports events and editions of the highlights show “Sports Center,” averaged 614,000 viewers in that group.
And dozens of other cable channels took other slices of the under 35 viewers.
“What you’ve seen in recent years is increased spending by all these cable channels for original programming,” Mr. MacKenzie said. “And besides having a double revenue stream of subscription fees and advertising, the cable channels have the luxury of targeting specific audiences. Broadcasters don’t.”
Fans of sports, for example, were watching ESPN many nights instead of Mr. O’Brien; and cartoon lovers were hooked on “Adult Swim.”
But even all the competition on cable did not represent the total distraction for young viewers that Mr. O’Brien had to contend with. The senior research executive pointed to outside attractions like video games that vie for the attention of young, especially male, viewers. And CBS executives have in the past identified the growing tendency of owners of digital video recorders to use the time after late local newscasts to play back programs recorded earlier that night or on previous nights.
A spokeswoman for Nielsen Media Research pointed to a study the company released last year that cited the peak hours for DVR playback. The late-night hours showed the highest percentage of playback outside the prime-time hours, with about 7.6 percent of playback taking place from 11 p.m. to 12 a.m.
As an executive from one of NBC’s rival networks put it: “Conan didn’t just have to worry about Letterman; he had to worry about ‘House.’ People are playing back episodes of shows like ‘House’ in late night.”
Add to all the other issues the fact that Mr. O’Brien’s young fans did not really have to watch television to see him. His shows were made available later on Web sites like Hulu. And his best comedy bits would frequently be posted on other sites — and passed around by fans — shortly after they appeared.
Mr. MacKenzie added that NBC did Mr. O’Brien no favor by moving Mr. Leno to the 10 p.m. hour this fall. “That meant there was a show very similar in style to his on the air before him,” he said.
In his run on “The Tonight Show,” Mr. Leno managed to attract the largest audiences in virtually every age group, though his ratings too showed signs of falling off in his later years on the show. But his was always the first show of the late-night talk variety on NBC each night, Mr. MacKenzie.
That will happen again when Mr. Leno returns to “The Tonight Show” on March 1. But Mr. MacKenzie had some words of caution for NBC.
“A generational switch is coming,” he said. “The baby boomer audience that has mostly been the Leno audience is going out. The Conan audience is becoming more influential — even if they aren’t watching television the same way the previous generation did.”
Conan O’Brien made a triumphant exit from NBC Friday night, accompanied by one of the most impressive outpourings of support by younger viewers that any late-night host had ever seen — and Mr. O’Brien was effusive in his thanks for their backing.
But he might have said: Where were you when I needed you?
In the tumult that surrounded NBC’s late-night shake-up last week, one thing was certain: If even a small fraction of the additional younger viewers who flocked to Mr. O’Brien’s show last week had turned up regularly in his earlier ratings results, he would almost surely still be hosting “The Tonight Show.”
Instead, for most of this past fall, Mr. O’Brien struggled to command the young viewers he needed to counter a falloff in overall audience numbers.
While he began to drop behind his chief late-night competitor, David Letterman on CBS, among total viewers, it was more alarming to NBC that Mr. O’Brien was not consistently beating Mr. Letterman in several important advertising-sales demographic groups — viewers 18 to 49 and 25 to 54. (He did beat Mr. Letterman virtually all the time in the 18-to-34 group.)
But to NBC’s surprise and disappointment, Mr. O’Brien fell behind his predecessor, Jay Leno, even among those 18-to-34 viewers, the group expected to be his core constituency. (From his start in June through the end of 2009, Mr. O’Brien averaged 716,000 viewers in that age group, down from the 759,000 Mr. Leno averaged the previous six months.)
Several television researchers said in interviews that this outcome might have been easily predicted, not because Mr. O’Brien does not appeal to younger viewers — he clearly does, as evidenced by the large numbers he attracted for his closing shows — but because regularly assembling those young adult viewers in significant numbers in the late-night hours has become a daunting, if not impossible, task.
“The 18-to-34 group is so difficult to attract and the lower half, 18 to 25, is the hardest of all,” said Jack MacKenzie, the president of the millennial strategy program for the research firm Frank N. Magid Associates.
Compounding the problem, said a senior research executive for another company, was the fact that Mr. O’Brien was especially appealing to young men. “And that group doesn’t watch television very regularly,” said the executive, who asked not to be named because his business competes with NBC.
Instead of watching Mr. O’Brien most nights, Mr. MacKenzie said, those young viewers have been watching everything from similar shows like “The Colbert Report” on Comedy Central, to cartoons on the “Adult Swim” franchise on the Cartoon Network, and the ever-present array of sports and sports news on ESPN and its sister channels.
In comparison with the 719,000 viewers in the 18-to-34 group that Mr. O’Brien had been averaging, Stephen Colbert on his “Colbert Report,” in the same six- month period in 2009, averaged 746,000 viewers ages 18 to 34. The cartoons on “Adult Swim” — mostly “Family Guy” and “Robot Chicken” — averaged 619,000 of those viewers. ESPN from 11 p.m. to 1 a.m., with varied programs that included both live sports events and editions of the highlights show “Sports Center,” averaged 614,000 viewers in that group.
And dozens of other cable channels took other slices of the under 35 viewers.
“What you’ve seen in recent years is increased spending by all these cable channels for original programming,” Mr. MacKenzie said. “And besides having a double revenue stream of subscription fees and advertising, the cable channels have the luxury of targeting specific audiences. Broadcasters don’t.”
Fans of sports, for example, were watching ESPN many nights instead of Mr. O’Brien; and cartoon lovers were hooked on “Adult Swim.”
But even all the competition on cable did not represent the total distraction for young viewers that Mr. O’Brien had to contend with. The senior research executive pointed to outside attractions like video games that vie for the attention of young, especially male, viewers. And CBS executives have in the past identified the growing tendency of owners of digital video recorders to use the time after late local newscasts to play back programs recorded earlier that night or on previous nights.
A spokeswoman for Nielsen Media Research pointed to a study the company released last year that cited the peak hours for DVR playback. The late-night hours showed the highest percentage of playback outside the prime-time hours, with about 7.6 percent of playback taking place from 11 p.m. to 12 a.m.
As an executive from one of NBC’s rival networks put it: “Conan didn’t just have to worry about Letterman; he had to worry about ‘House.’ People are playing back episodes of shows like ‘House’ in late night.”
Add to all the other issues the fact that Mr. O’Brien’s young fans did not really have to watch television to see him. His shows were made available later on Web sites like Hulu. And his best comedy bits would frequently be posted on other sites — and passed around by fans — shortly after they appeared.
Mr. MacKenzie added that NBC did Mr. O’Brien no favor by moving Mr. Leno to the 10 p.m. hour this fall. “That meant there was a show very similar in style to his on the air before him,” he said.
In his run on “The Tonight Show,” Mr. Leno managed to attract the largest audiences in virtually every age group, though his ratings too showed signs of falling off in his later years on the show. But his was always the first show of the late-night talk variety on NBC each night, Mr. MacKenzie.
That will happen again when Mr. Leno returns to “The Tonight Show” on March 1. But Mr. MacKenzie had some words of caution for NBC.
“A generational switch is coming,” he said. “The baby boomer audience that has mostly been the Leno audience is going out. The Conan audience is becoming more influential — even if they aren’t watching television the same way the previous generation did.”
Beyonce, Madonna Join Haiti Telethon
Paylaş
AP) Beyonce and Madonna have been added as performers to Friday's multi-network "Hope for Haiti Now" telethon, and Denzel Washington, Brad Pitt, Leonardo DiCaprio and former President Bill Clinton are among the participants.
A statement released Thursday said Beyonce would perform from London, and Madonna from New York City. The list of musical performers already includes such heavyweights as Bruce Springsteen, Alicia Keys, Stevie Wonder, Taylor Swift, Justin Timberlake and Keith Urban.
Complete Coverage: Devastation in Haiti
Haiti's Orphans
Prayers for Haiti
Children of Haiti
"It's a big world out there, and we all have a lot of responsibility to look out for people who can't look out for themselves," telethon organizer George Clooney said in an MTV interview that aired Thursday night. "So what we can do is first and foremost, raise money. Period. That's it ...
"If I thought we could all pick up shovels and go in there and help without being in the way, I think a lot of people would do that."
An estimated 200,000 people were killed after a powerful earthquake struck Haiti last week, devastating the nation.
The two-hour telethon will be shown on all the major networks and a host of other channels. It will be broadcast from New York, London, Los Angeles and Haiti.
People can begin donating even before the start of the 8 p.m. EST concert via phone and text. Viewers can also download musical performances from the show via iTunes for 99 cents. Those profits will also be donated to Haiti relief.
Also Thursday, DiCaprio announced he was donating $1 million to the Clinton-Bush Haiti Fund, the relief effort led by former Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush and one of the organizations benefiting from the telethon.
AP) Beyonce and Madonna have been added as performers to Friday's multi-network "Hope for Haiti Now" telethon, and Denzel Washington, Brad Pitt, Leonardo DiCaprio and former President Bill Clinton are among the participants.
A statement released Thursday said Beyonce would perform from London, and Madonna from New York City. The list of musical performers already includes such heavyweights as Bruce Springsteen, Alicia Keys, Stevie Wonder, Taylor Swift, Justin Timberlake and Keith Urban.
Complete Coverage: Devastation in Haiti
Haiti's Orphans
Prayers for Haiti
Children of Haiti
"It's a big world out there, and we all have a lot of responsibility to look out for people who can't look out for themselves," telethon organizer George Clooney said in an MTV interview that aired Thursday night. "So what we can do is first and foremost, raise money. Period. That's it ...
"If I thought we could all pick up shovels and go in there and help without being in the way, I think a lot of people would do that."
An estimated 200,000 people were killed after a powerful earthquake struck Haiti last week, devastating the nation.
The two-hour telethon will be shown on all the major networks and a host of other channels. It will be broadcast from New York, London, Los Angeles and Haiti.
People can begin donating even before the start of the 8 p.m. EST concert via phone and text. Viewers can also download musical performances from the show via iTunes for 99 cents. Those profits will also be donated to Haiti relief.
Also Thursday, DiCaprio announced he was donating $1 million to the Clinton-Bush Haiti Fund, the relief effort led by former Presidents Bill Clinton and George W. Bush and one of the organizations benefiting from the telethon.
On Street Tracing Haiti’s Pain, Survival Goes On
Paylaş
PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — Avenue Poupelard in the center of this devastated city pulses with life and reeks of death almost two weeks after the earthquake.
Before what Haitians call “the event,” it was a chaotically bustling street of lottery kiosks and cybercafes, gated homes and shacks, churches and schools.
Now, a coffin maker spends the day hammering wood as fast as he can get it, while the body of a 6-year-old boy decomposes in the ruins of a school. Hundreds of displaced residents squat in the junked cars of a mechanic’s lot as a lawyer, writing briefs, camps under the bougainvillea of her uninhabitable villa. A fiery pastor preaches outside the ruins of his church; street vendors hawk small plastic bags of water; an AIDS clinic reopens briefly each day for patients who survived the earthquake but ran out of essential pills.
And, bound in muslin like a mummy, a cadaver lies beneath a sign that screams “S O S,” deposited there by neighbors as if to underscore their cry for help as they struggle to reconstitute some semblance of community and move forward.
“We are not blood relatives but we are all the dispossessed of Avenue Poupelard,” said Franc Danjou, gesturing at those around him in one encampment. “We must pool our resources — and get help! — or in a year this community will be dead.”
Over a quarter-mile stretch, Avenue Poupelard, a residential and commercial strip in the area called Nazon, offers a panorama of life in the ruins of the Haitian capital where a stricken heart still beats.
A complete damage assessment is impossible without tax and property records, which are not available. But of 53 buildings examined on Avenue Poupelard, only six appeared to be intact. Twenty-three are completely or partially collapsed. And the remaining 24 show damage ranging from cracks to crumbled walls, with daily aftershocks presenting a continuing threat.
Despite such widespread destruction — and an incalculable number of deaths — almost no one on Avenue Poupelard seems to let himself cry, not even the children. Grief is still buried under shock, and there is a stoic determination to face the future because, no matter how tenuous, it is far less frightening than the immediate past. It is daunting to imagine the recovery that lies ahead. But in this one pocket of the city, as elsewhere, life of a survivalist sort goes on.
Some small businesses — a barbershop here, a tiny food stand there — are stirring back to life. Political debate, a sign of normalcy, is resurfacing, with many openly cursing President René Préval for making few forays into hard-hit areas.
Food, water, shelter, sickness and death: these continue to be urgent problems even as some help is finally arriving. For many on Avenue Poupelard, the trauma of loss has created an almost existential vertigo. Nora Jean Phillipe, an office worker who sat beside a tent with a box of Pop Tarts in her lap, was keenly, almost obsessively, focused on one thing: excavating her family’s birth certificates from their destroyed house.
“Please understand,” she said. “I lost my home. I lost my son. Somehow, I have to find a way to salvage our identity.”
Determined to Stay
The Legros family settled into their villa on Avenue Poupelard over a half-century ago when the area was affluent and surrounded by farmland. As he grew up, Michel Legros, 53, owner of a popular radio station, Radio Maximum, watched the neighborhood grow denser and more socioeconomically mixed.
Late last week, Mr. Legros and his sister Gladys Legros, a lawyer, opened their gates, ushering visitors onto the patio in the shadow of their elegant house, which is still standing but badly damaged.
Mr. Legros is a well-known political activist. “Politics sticks to him like a disease,” his sister said. His patio, shaded by palm and banana trees, used to serve as a meeting place for the Democratic Convergence, a largely elite political coalition opposed to former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a champion of the poor. Now the Legros family sleeps there alongside the many less privileged, displaced neighbors they have invited in.
Most of his friends, Mr. Legros said, have abandoned the country, but he refuses to go. “If you hear there is one person left standing in Haiti,” he said, “you can be sure it’s me.”
Despite his bravado, Mr. Legros, unlike many of his neighbors who have repressed the horror of the earthquake itself, keeps reliving it.
After the earthquake struck, he said, he rushed downtown, where his cousins owned a small hotel and found it a pile of heavy concrete slabs. After learning that his cousins were buried inside, he saw an employee, whom he knew only as Rudy, lodged in the rubble, crying for help. He ran to search for equipment to help get Rudy out. But with Port-au-Prince wrecked from one end to the other, Mr. Legros found that his political connections did not help — not on the day of the earthquake, or for the two days after that.
By the time Mr. Legros secured a bulldozer, Rudy was dead.
“I feel impotent, and that impotence bothers me a lot,” he said. “But what bothers me even more, is that my country is impotent.
“My God,” he added, “what has happened to Haiti?”
Crossroads of Need
Avenue Poupelard crosses a major north-south thoroughfare, Avenue Martin Luther King. At their intersection, a sign in English — “We need help. Food. Water.” — has arrows pointing both east and west.
PORT-AU-PRINCE, Haiti — Avenue Poupelard in the center of this devastated city pulses with life and reeks of death almost two weeks after the earthquake.
Before what Haitians call “the event,” it was a chaotically bustling street of lottery kiosks and cybercafes, gated homes and shacks, churches and schools.
Now, a coffin maker spends the day hammering wood as fast as he can get it, while the body of a 6-year-old boy decomposes in the ruins of a school. Hundreds of displaced residents squat in the junked cars of a mechanic’s lot as a lawyer, writing briefs, camps under the bougainvillea of her uninhabitable villa. A fiery pastor preaches outside the ruins of his church; street vendors hawk small plastic bags of water; an AIDS clinic reopens briefly each day for patients who survived the earthquake but ran out of essential pills.
And, bound in muslin like a mummy, a cadaver lies beneath a sign that screams “S O S,” deposited there by neighbors as if to underscore their cry for help as they struggle to reconstitute some semblance of community and move forward.
“We are not blood relatives but we are all the dispossessed of Avenue Poupelard,” said Franc Danjou, gesturing at those around him in one encampment. “We must pool our resources — and get help! — or in a year this community will be dead.”
Over a quarter-mile stretch, Avenue Poupelard, a residential and commercial strip in the area called Nazon, offers a panorama of life in the ruins of the Haitian capital where a stricken heart still beats.
A complete damage assessment is impossible without tax and property records, which are not available. But of 53 buildings examined on Avenue Poupelard, only six appeared to be intact. Twenty-three are completely or partially collapsed. And the remaining 24 show damage ranging from cracks to crumbled walls, with daily aftershocks presenting a continuing threat.
Despite such widespread destruction — and an incalculable number of deaths — almost no one on Avenue Poupelard seems to let himself cry, not even the children. Grief is still buried under shock, and there is a stoic determination to face the future because, no matter how tenuous, it is far less frightening than the immediate past. It is daunting to imagine the recovery that lies ahead. But in this one pocket of the city, as elsewhere, life of a survivalist sort goes on.
Some small businesses — a barbershop here, a tiny food stand there — are stirring back to life. Political debate, a sign of normalcy, is resurfacing, with many openly cursing President René Préval for making few forays into hard-hit areas.
Food, water, shelter, sickness and death: these continue to be urgent problems even as some help is finally arriving. For many on Avenue Poupelard, the trauma of loss has created an almost existential vertigo. Nora Jean Phillipe, an office worker who sat beside a tent with a box of Pop Tarts in her lap, was keenly, almost obsessively, focused on one thing: excavating her family’s birth certificates from their destroyed house.
“Please understand,” she said. “I lost my home. I lost my son. Somehow, I have to find a way to salvage our identity.”
Determined to Stay
The Legros family settled into their villa on Avenue Poupelard over a half-century ago when the area was affluent and surrounded by farmland. As he grew up, Michel Legros, 53, owner of a popular radio station, Radio Maximum, watched the neighborhood grow denser and more socioeconomically mixed.
Late last week, Mr. Legros and his sister Gladys Legros, a lawyer, opened their gates, ushering visitors onto the patio in the shadow of their elegant house, which is still standing but badly damaged.
Mr. Legros is a well-known political activist. “Politics sticks to him like a disease,” his sister said. His patio, shaded by palm and banana trees, used to serve as a meeting place for the Democratic Convergence, a largely elite political coalition opposed to former President Jean-Bertrand Aristide, a champion of the poor. Now the Legros family sleeps there alongside the many less privileged, displaced neighbors they have invited in.
Most of his friends, Mr. Legros said, have abandoned the country, but he refuses to go. “If you hear there is one person left standing in Haiti,” he said, “you can be sure it’s me.”
Despite his bravado, Mr. Legros, unlike many of his neighbors who have repressed the horror of the earthquake itself, keeps reliving it.
After the earthquake struck, he said, he rushed downtown, where his cousins owned a small hotel and found it a pile of heavy concrete slabs. After learning that his cousins were buried inside, he saw an employee, whom he knew only as Rudy, lodged in the rubble, crying for help. He ran to search for equipment to help get Rudy out. But with Port-au-Prince wrecked from one end to the other, Mr. Legros found that his political connections did not help — not on the day of the earthquake, or for the two days after that.
By the time Mr. Legros secured a bulldozer, Rudy was dead.
“I feel impotent, and that impotence bothers me a lot,” he said. “But what bothers me even more, is that my country is impotent.
“My God,” he added, “what has happened to Haiti?”
Crossroads of Need
Avenue Poupelard crosses a major north-south thoroughfare, Avenue Martin Luther King. At their intersection, a sign in English — “We need help. Food. Water.” — has arrows pointing both east and west.
Obama to Offer Aid for Families in State of the Union Address
Paylaş
WASHINGTON — President Obama will propose in his State of the Union address a package of modest initiatives intended to help middle-class families, including tax credits for child care, caps on some student loan payments and a requirement that companies let workers save automatically for retirement, senior administration officials said Sunday.
By focusing on what one White House official calls “the sandwich generation” — struggling families squeezed between sending their children to college and caring for elderly parents — Mr. Obama hopes to use his speech on Wednesday to demonstrate that he understands the economic pain of ordinary Americans. The proposals also include expanded tax credits for retirement savings and money for programs to help families care for elderly relatives.
The address is still being written, but one senior official, describing it on the condition of anonymity, said its main themes would include “creating good jobs, addressing the deficit, helping the middle class and changing Washington.”
With his poll numbers down and Democrats fearing disaster in this year’s midterm elections, Mr. Obama is at a particularly rocky point in his presidency and has been shifting his rhetoric lately to adopt a more populist tone. He heads into his first formal State of the Union speech in a radically reshaped political climate from even one week ago.
His top domestic priority, a health care overhaul, is in jeopardy after the Republican victory in last week’s Massachusetts Senate race — a setback that White House advisers interpret as a reflection of Americans’ deep anger and frustration over high unemployment and Wall Street bailouts.
One advantage of the president’s proposals is that they might appeal to people who are struggling financially without looking like the kind of broad expansion of the federal government that is making many Americans uneasy. They also would add little to the federal deficit at a time when Mr. Obama is pledging to reduce it.
Mr. Obama and Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. plan to outline the proposals on Monday when they meet with the White House task force that has spent the past year examining ways to help the middle class.
While Mr. Obama has been shifting his focus toward job creation in recent weeks, an official said the president also wanted to spotlight what the White House regards as “critical areas where middle-class families need a helping hand to get ahead,” like paying for college and saving for retirement.
For example, the president is calling on Congress to nearly double the child care tax credit for families earning less than $85,000 — a proposal that, if adopted, would lower by $900 the taxes such families owe to the government. But the credit would not be refundable, meaning that families would not get extra money back on a tax refund.
Another of the president’s proposals, a cap on federal loan payments for recent college graduates at 10 percent of income above a basic living allowance, would cost taxpayers roughly $1 billion. The expanded financing to help families care for elderly relatives would cost $102.5 million — a pittance in a federal budget where programs are often measured in tens if not hundreds of billions of dollars. And the automatic paycheck deduction program would simply be a way to encourage workers to save, and would include tax credits to help companies with administrative costs.
Such programs are, notably, much less far-reaching than Mr. Obama’s expansive first-year agenda of passing an economic recovery package, bailing out the auto industry, overhauling the health care system, passing energy legislation and imposing tough new restrictions on banks. That agenda has left him vulnerable to criticism that he is using the government to remake every aspect of American society.
Top advisers to the president insist that Mr. Obama is not in retreat and are resisting any comparisons to the kind of small-bore initiatives that the last Democratic president, Bill Clinton, used to try to get his presidency back on track.
“In no way does this represent a trimming of the sails,” one adviser said on Sunday, referring to the package.
Instead, the White House wants to use Wednesday’s address to explain how initiatives like the health care overhaul fit into his broader plan for job creation and the economy. On Sunday, as senior administration officials fanned out on the television talk shows, David Axelrod, Mr. Obama’s senior adviser, insisted that the health care bill was not dead. But he did suggest that the administration was now more focused on changing insurance practices than on a broad expansion of coverage to the uninsured.
“There are so many elements of this — tax breaks for small business, extending the life of Medicare, more assistance for seniors with their prescription drugs, a cap on out-of-pocket expenses, help for people with pre-existing conditions — that are too important to walk away from,” Mr. Axelrod said on the ABC program “This Week.”
With House and Senate leaders trying to figure out how to proceed legislatively, Mr. Axelrod also issued a warning to Democrats who were reconsidering their support for the health care measure.
“As a political matter, the foolish thing to do would be for anybody else who supported this to walk away from it,” he said. He added, “The underlying elements of it are popular and important, and people will never know what’s in that bill until we pass it, the president signs it and they have a whole new range of protections they never had before.”
How Mr. Obama will address health care in the State of the Union speech, though, remains an open question. Officials on Capitol Hill and at the White House said their talks on how to proceed with the legislation might not be resolved by Wednesday. This could put Mr. Obama in the awkward position of talking about a measure that is on shaky ground.
Another open question is what the president will say about his program for job creation.
The House of Representatives has passed a $154 billion bill to encourage job creation, and during an appearance in Ohio on Friday, Mr. Obama called for a jobs bill that would include tax breaks for small businesses and for people who make their homes more energy efficient. White House officials have not said what Mr. Obama’s jobs bill would cost, and they did not say on Sunday if he would mention a specific amount in Wednesday’s address.
But they did try to hit hard on the jobs theme. And Mr. Axelrod, speaking on “State of the Union” on CNN, said Mr. Obama’s current predicament was no surprise.
“A year ago, I said to the president, ‘A year from now, your numbers are going to be much different than they are right now because of the economic forecast that we were hearing,’ ” he said. “And we knew that even as the economy started growing, it would take time for the jobs to follow.”
WASHINGTON — President Obama will propose in his State of the Union address a package of modest initiatives intended to help middle-class families, including tax credits for child care, caps on some student loan payments and a requirement that companies let workers save automatically for retirement, senior administration officials said Sunday.
By focusing on what one White House official calls “the sandwich generation” — struggling families squeezed between sending their children to college and caring for elderly parents — Mr. Obama hopes to use his speech on Wednesday to demonstrate that he understands the economic pain of ordinary Americans. The proposals also include expanded tax credits for retirement savings and money for programs to help families care for elderly relatives.
The address is still being written, but one senior official, describing it on the condition of anonymity, said its main themes would include “creating good jobs, addressing the deficit, helping the middle class and changing Washington.”
With his poll numbers down and Democrats fearing disaster in this year’s midterm elections, Mr. Obama is at a particularly rocky point in his presidency and has been shifting his rhetoric lately to adopt a more populist tone. He heads into his first formal State of the Union speech in a radically reshaped political climate from even one week ago.
His top domestic priority, a health care overhaul, is in jeopardy after the Republican victory in last week’s Massachusetts Senate race — a setback that White House advisers interpret as a reflection of Americans’ deep anger and frustration over high unemployment and Wall Street bailouts.
One advantage of the president’s proposals is that they might appeal to people who are struggling financially without looking like the kind of broad expansion of the federal government that is making many Americans uneasy. They also would add little to the federal deficit at a time when Mr. Obama is pledging to reduce it.
Mr. Obama and Vice President Joseph R. Biden Jr. plan to outline the proposals on Monday when they meet with the White House task force that has spent the past year examining ways to help the middle class.
While Mr. Obama has been shifting his focus toward job creation in recent weeks, an official said the president also wanted to spotlight what the White House regards as “critical areas where middle-class families need a helping hand to get ahead,” like paying for college and saving for retirement.
For example, the president is calling on Congress to nearly double the child care tax credit for families earning less than $85,000 — a proposal that, if adopted, would lower by $900 the taxes such families owe to the government. But the credit would not be refundable, meaning that families would not get extra money back on a tax refund.
Another of the president’s proposals, a cap on federal loan payments for recent college graduates at 10 percent of income above a basic living allowance, would cost taxpayers roughly $1 billion. The expanded financing to help families care for elderly relatives would cost $102.5 million — a pittance in a federal budget where programs are often measured in tens if not hundreds of billions of dollars. And the automatic paycheck deduction program would simply be a way to encourage workers to save, and would include tax credits to help companies with administrative costs.
Such programs are, notably, much less far-reaching than Mr. Obama’s expansive first-year agenda of passing an economic recovery package, bailing out the auto industry, overhauling the health care system, passing energy legislation and imposing tough new restrictions on banks. That agenda has left him vulnerable to criticism that he is using the government to remake every aspect of American society.
Top advisers to the president insist that Mr. Obama is not in retreat and are resisting any comparisons to the kind of small-bore initiatives that the last Democratic president, Bill Clinton, used to try to get his presidency back on track.
“In no way does this represent a trimming of the sails,” one adviser said on Sunday, referring to the package.
Instead, the White House wants to use Wednesday’s address to explain how initiatives like the health care overhaul fit into his broader plan for job creation and the economy. On Sunday, as senior administration officials fanned out on the television talk shows, David Axelrod, Mr. Obama’s senior adviser, insisted that the health care bill was not dead. But he did suggest that the administration was now more focused on changing insurance practices than on a broad expansion of coverage to the uninsured.
“There are so many elements of this — tax breaks for small business, extending the life of Medicare, more assistance for seniors with their prescription drugs, a cap on out-of-pocket expenses, help for people with pre-existing conditions — that are too important to walk away from,” Mr. Axelrod said on the ABC program “This Week.”
With House and Senate leaders trying to figure out how to proceed legislatively, Mr. Axelrod also issued a warning to Democrats who were reconsidering their support for the health care measure.
“As a political matter, the foolish thing to do would be for anybody else who supported this to walk away from it,” he said. He added, “The underlying elements of it are popular and important, and people will never know what’s in that bill until we pass it, the president signs it and they have a whole new range of protections they never had before.”
How Mr. Obama will address health care in the State of the Union speech, though, remains an open question. Officials on Capitol Hill and at the White House said their talks on how to proceed with the legislation might not be resolved by Wednesday. This could put Mr. Obama in the awkward position of talking about a measure that is on shaky ground.
Another open question is what the president will say about his program for job creation.
The House of Representatives has passed a $154 billion bill to encourage job creation, and during an appearance in Ohio on Friday, Mr. Obama called for a jobs bill that would include tax breaks for small businesses and for people who make their homes more energy efficient. White House officials have not said what Mr. Obama’s jobs bill would cost, and they did not say on Sunday if he would mention a specific amount in Wednesday’s address.
But they did try to hit hard on the jobs theme. And Mr. Axelrod, speaking on “State of the Union” on CNN, said Mr. Obama’s current predicament was no surprise.
“A year ago, I said to the president, ‘A year from now, your numbers are going to be much different than they are right now because of the economic forecast that we were hearing,’ ” he said. “And we knew that even as the economy started growing, it would take time for the jobs to follow.”
General Puts Up a Fight in Sri Lanka’s Election
Paylaş
COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — When President Mahinda Rajapaksa announced late last year that he would move the presidential election up by two years and seek a fresh mandate from Sri Lanka’s war-weary electorate, he seemed like a shoo-in.
Having vanquished the fearsome Tamil Tiger insurgency in May with a no-holds-barred assault on its last stronghold, Mr. Rajapaksa enjoyed widespread adulation. The opposition parties were fractured and in disarray. No one, it seemed, could match the president’s popularity, despite deep unease about what seemed to be the increasing concentration of power in the hands of his family and rising corruption.
But to near-universal surprise, an alphabet soup of political parties has rallied around the retired general who led Sri Lanka’s army to victory against the Tamil Tigers, Sarath Fonseka.
On Tuesday, voters here will go to the polls in what has been one of the most bitterly contested elections in Sri Lankan history. The winner will preside over the reconstruction and reconciliation of a country torn apart by more than a quarter-century of ethnic conflict.
Mr. Rajapaksa has argued that he delivered on his election promise, made in 2005, to end the war, and that he can be relied upon to mend the country. But his popularity has waned in the months since the end of the war as Sri Lankans have grown impatient for prosperity. Mr. Rajapaksa has also given powerful positions in the government to relatives, rankling many Sri Lankans.
“Sri Lanka has always been a democracy,” said Waskadwa Dhammarana, a Buddhist monk who supported the president in 2005 but is now planning to vote for General Fonseka. “I am against corruption, nepotism and the antidemocratic attitude prevalent in the Rajapaksa regime.”
General Fonseka has pledged to reduce the powers of the presidency and give more authority to Parliament, a cherished goal of many parties in the fractious coalition backing him. But he is untested as a political leader, and many question his ability to lead beyond the regimented sphere of the military.
Indeed, the alliance behind General Fonseka’s candidacy is a grudging coalition that includes more than one set of archenemies. It includes hard-line Marxists and laissez-faire capitalists, hard-core nationalists who argue that minorities should submit to majority rule as well as the main Tamil and Muslim parties.
“The opposition parties have come together with the single purpose of effecting regime change,” said Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, executive director of the Center for Policy Alternatives, a research and advocacy institute here. “Fonseka is the instrument of that change.”
The campaign has unfolded in a tense but hopeful nation that seeks to put its violent past to rest. The Tamil Tigers took up arms to defend the Tamil minority from government discrimination, but eventually became a ruthless insurgency best known for its use of child soldiers and suicide bombers.
Violence has punctuated the campaign. Election monitors have counted more than 100 episodes of violence involving firearms. At least five people have been killed.
General Fonseka has struggled to find his footing as a politician. In speeches his clipped delivery is that of a man accustomed to giving orders, not asking for votes.
“The country in the future will be free of corruption,” he commanded from the stage at a rally in the southern coastal town of Kalutara. “Democracy will be restored. Your children will have a bright future.”
For many of the general’s supporters, the concern is more a matter of ousting Mr. Rajapaksa.
“He has constructed a power center that is controlled only by his family,” said Japudaya Nagoda Kanutara, a 47-year-old supermarket clerk who voted for Mr. Rajapaksa in 2005. “At that time we only wanted to end the war, but after that sacrifice we feel we are getting nothing. Sri Lanka needs a change.”
Mr. Rajapaksa, a flesh-pressing politician whose flashy rallies draw huge crowds, has found himself on the defensive, and his campaign has pulled out all the stops. His grinning face beams down from billboards and posters all across the country. The government has even added his portrait to a new 1,000-rupee note.
Critics have accused him of using state resources, like helicopters to hop around the teardrop-shaped island, to wage his campaign, though his spokesman denied this. State-controlled media have heavily favored him.
Reporters Without Borders, an advocacy group, said in a report that the two main state-owned television channels devoted 98.5 percent of their news coverage to Mr. Rajapaksa.
Mr. Rajapaksa’s rallies have been packed with fervent supporters who venerate him as a bringer of peace.
“He ended the war,” said A. D. R. Premarathna, who owns a small printing shop. “Now we can live without fear.”
Mr. Premarathna waited for five hours in the baking sun with his wife and children to secure a spot in the front row of Mr. Rajapaksa’s rally in Kalutara. “I know he will deliver on his promise to bring prosperity for my children,” he said.
One issued that has hardly figured in the election campaign is the question of human rights violations that may have been committed by the military in the fight against the Tigers. Hundreds of thousands of civilians were trapped on a small stretch of beach where they were held hostage as human shields by the ragged remains of the insurgency’s leadership.
The United Nations counted 7,000 dead in the first phase of the final battle, but no reliable count exists for the last, deadliest weeks of the fighting. Sri Lanka has resisted calls for an international war crimes investigation. After the war, about 300,000 Tamils who had been trapped with the Tigers were detained in squalid, closed camps.
No matter who wins, the competitiveness of the election has already had a profound effect on Sri Lanka, said Rukshana Nanayakkara, deputy executive director of Transparency International Sri Lanka, an anticorruption advocacy organization. The emergence of a credible opposition candidate pushed the government to speed the release of displaced Tamils held in camps, and ease restrictions on journalists, he said.
“This was an opportunity through the campaign to challenge the government,” he said. “Regardless of who wins, that has been a very good thing.”
COLOMBO, Sri Lanka — When President Mahinda Rajapaksa announced late last year that he would move the presidential election up by two years and seek a fresh mandate from Sri Lanka’s war-weary electorate, he seemed like a shoo-in.
Having vanquished the fearsome Tamil Tiger insurgency in May with a no-holds-barred assault on its last stronghold, Mr. Rajapaksa enjoyed widespread adulation. The opposition parties were fractured and in disarray. No one, it seemed, could match the president’s popularity, despite deep unease about what seemed to be the increasing concentration of power in the hands of his family and rising corruption.
But to near-universal surprise, an alphabet soup of political parties has rallied around the retired general who led Sri Lanka’s army to victory against the Tamil Tigers, Sarath Fonseka.
On Tuesday, voters here will go to the polls in what has been one of the most bitterly contested elections in Sri Lankan history. The winner will preside over the reconstruction and reconciliation of a country torn apart by more than a quarter-century of ethnic conflict.
Mr. Rajapaksa has argued that he delivered on his election promise, made in 2005, to end the war, and that he can be relied upon to mend the country. But his popularity has waned in the months since the end of the war as Sri Lankans have grown impatient for prosperity. Mr. Rajapaksa has also given powerful positions in the government to relatives, rankling many Sri Lankans.
“Sri Lanka has always been a democracy,” said Waskadwa Dhammarana, a Buddhist monk who supported the president in 2005 but is now planning to vote for General Fonseka. “I am against corruption, nepotism and the antidemocratic attitude prevalent in the Rajapaksa regime.”
General Fonseka has pledged to reduce the powers of the presidency and give more authority to Parliament, a cherished goal of many parties in the fractious coalition backing him. But he is untested as a political leader, and many question his ability to lead beyond the regimented sphere of the military.
Indeed, the alliance behind General Fonseka’s candidacy is a grudging coalition that includes more than one set of archenemies. It includes hard-line Marxists and laissez-faire capitalists, hard-core nationalists who argue that minorities should submit to majority rule as well as the main Tamil and Muslim parties.
“The opposition parties have come together with the single purpose of effecting regime change,” said Paikiasothy Saravanamuttu, executive director of the Center for Policy Alternatives, a research and advocacy institute here. “Fonseka is the instrument of that change.”
The campaign has unfolded in a tense but hopeful nation that seeks to put its violent past to rest. The Tamil Tigers took up arms to defend the Tamil minority from government discrimination, but eventually became a ruthless insurgency best known for its use of child soldiers and suicide bombers.
Violence has punctuated the campaign. Election monitors have counted more than 100 episodes of violence involving firearms. At least five people have been killed.
General Fonseka has struggled to find his footing as a politician. In speeches his clipped delivery is that of a man accustomed to giving orders, not asking for votes.
“The country in the future will be free of corruption,” he commanded from the stage at a rally in the southern coastal town of Kalutara. “Democracy will be restored. Your children will have a bright future.”
For many of the general’s supporters, the concern is more a matter of ousting Mr. Rajapaksa.
“He has constructed a power center that is controlled only by his family,” said Japudaya Nagoda Kanutara, a 47-year-old supermarket clerk who voted for Mr. Rajapaksa in 2005. “At that time we only wanted to end the war, but after that sacrifice we feel we are getting nothing. Sri Lanka needs a change.”
Mr. Rajapaksa, a flesh-pressing politician whose flashy rallies draw huge crowds, has found himself on the defensive, and his campaign has pulled out all the stops. His grinning face beams down from billboards and posters all across the country. The government has even added his portrait to a new 1,000-rupee note.
Critics have accused him of using state resources, like helicopters to hop around the teardrop-shaped island, to wage his campaign, though his spokesman denied this. State-controlled media have heavily favored him.
Reporters Without Borders, an advocacy group, said in a report that the two main state-owned television channels devoted 98.5 percent of their news coverage to Mr. Rajapaksa.
Mr. Rajapaksa’s rallies have been packed with fervent supporters who venerate him as a bringer of peace.
“He ended the war,” said A. D. R. Premarathna, who owns a small printing shop. “Now we can live without fear.”
Mr. Premarathna waited for five hours in the baking sun with his wife and children to secure a spot in the front row of Mr. Rajapaksa’s rally in Kalutara. “I know he will deliver on his promise to bring prosperity for my children,” he said.
One issued that has hardly figured in the election campaign is the question of human rights violations that may have been committed by the military in the fight against the Tigers. Hundreds of thousands of civilians were trapped on a small stretch of beach where they were held hostage as human shields by the ragged remains of the insurgency’s leadership.
The United Nations counted 7,000 dead in the first phase of the final battle, but no reliable count exists for the last, deadliest weeks of the fighting. Sri Lanka has resisted calls for an international war crimes investigation. After the war, about 300,000 Tamils who had been trapped with the Tigers were detained in squalid, closed camps.
No matter who wins, the competitiveness of the election has already had a profound effect on Sri Lanka, said Rukshana Nanayakkara, deputy executive director of Transparency International Sri Lanka, an anticorruption advocacy organization. The emergence of a credible opposition candidate pushed the government to speed the release of displaced Tamils held in camps, and ease restrictions on journalists, he said.
“This was an opportunity through the campaign to challenge the government,” he said. “Regardless of who wins, that has been a very good thing.”
22 Ocak 2010 Cuma
Fırtına ve kar geliyor
Paylaş
Türkiye'nin batısı kötü hava koşullarının etkisine giriyor. Bugün Marmara'da fırtına ve kar, güneyde ise aşırı yağmur bekleniyor. İstanbul'da cumartesi günü sıcaklık ortalama -8 derece hissedilecek.
Bugün Marmara'da yaşamı öncelikle fırtına olumsuz etkileyecek. Poyraz İstanbul'dan Çanakkale’ye kadar 70-80 km hızla esecek ve ardından kar gelecek. Kar önce Trakya'da başlayacak.
Gece ve cumartesi günü ise tüm Marmara'da tipi ve yoğun kar yağışı bekleniyor. Marmara'da ve İstanbul'da cumartesi günü sıcaklık dışarıda ortalama -8 derece hissedilecek.
İstanbul'da kar yağışının öğleden sonra Avrupa yakasında başlaması bekleniyor. Ama en yoğun kar gece ve cumartesi gün boyunca bekleniyor. Kar yağışı pazar günü hızını azaltacak ve daha çok Anadolu yakasında görülecek.Kar yağışı cumartesi akşamı ve pazar günü Karadeniz ve İç Anadolu'da da yoğun yağacak
.Bugün Ege bölgesinde de kuvvetli yağmur var. Muğla, Aydın, Fethiye, Marmaris, Antalya'da yağmurun çok şiddetli yağması bekleniyor. Metrekareye 150-200 kg yağmur düşebilir.Ege hafta sonu ise kuvvetli soğuğun etkisinde kalacak. Sıcaklık İzmir’de 4 dereceye inecek. Manisa, Afyon, Kütahya ve Ege’nin tüm dağlarında kar bekleniyor. Cumartesi günü Muğla’ya dahi hafif kar yağabilir.Soğuklar önümüzdeki haftada kalacak.
İSTANBUL'DA ÜÇ GÜN KAR
Meteorolojik tahminlere göre bugün akşam saatlerinden itibaren Trakya bölgesinde kar yağışı başlayacak. Edirne, Çanakkale, Tekirdağ ve Kırklareli'de kar yağışı bekleniyor. Trakya'da etkili olan kar yağışının yarın sabah saatlerine İstanbul'a ulaşması bekleniyor.
Ancak etkili kar yağışının akşam saatlerinde Avrupa yakasında başlayacağı öngörülüyor.
Yağış gece Anadolu yakasında da görülecek ve İstanbul'un tamamı kar yağışının etkisi altına girecek.
Kar bu kez İstanbul'u kolay kolay terketmeyecek. Pazar ve Pazartesi günü de kar yağışının sürmesi bekleniyor. Pazartesi günü akşam saatlerine kadar, etkisini kaybetse de kar yağışı bekleniyor.
İstanbul'da hava ciddi şekilde soğuyacak, soğumakla kalmayıp 3 gün boyunca değerler "0" ın üstüne çıkmaycak. Cumartesi gecesinden itibaren 3 gün boyunca İstanbullular'ın tamamı günün her saatine "0" ın altında yaşayacak.
Sıcaklığın ancak önümüzdeki haftanın ikinci günü, salı günü öğlen saatlerinde "artı" değere yükseleceği öngörülüyor.
Ancak tahminlerin dikkat çektiği asıl yer Karadeniz. Batı Karadeniz'de çok etkili fırtına beklentisi var. Bu geceden itibaren etkisini artırması beklenen kuzey rüzgarları gece yarısından itibaren fırtınaya dönüşecek.
Fırtınanın saatte 100 kilometrenin üstündeki hızlarda esmesi, üstelik etkisini de saatlerce sürdürmesi bekleniyor.
Türkiye'nin batısı kötü hava koşullarının etkisine giriyor. Bugün Marmara'da fırtına ve kar, güneyde ise aşırı yağmur bekleniyor. İstanbul'da cumartesi günü sıcaklık ortalama -8 derece hissedilecek.
Bugün Marmara'da yaşamı öncelikle fırtına olumsuz etkileyecek. Poyraz İstanbul'dan Çanakkale’ye kadar 70-80 km hızla esecek ve ardından kar gelecek. Kar önce Trakya'da başlayacak.
Gece ve cumartesi günü ise tüm Marmara'da tipi ve yoğun kar yağışı bekleniyor. Marmara'da ve İstanbul'da cumartesi günü sıcaklık dışarıda ortalama -8 derece hissedilecek.
İstanbul'da kar yağışının öğleden sonra Avrupa yakasında başlaması bekleniyor. Ama en yoğun kar gece ve cumartesi gün boyunca bekleniyor. Kar yağışı pazar günü hızını azaltacak ve daha çok Anadolu yakasında görülecek.Kar yağışı cumartesi akşamı ve pazar günü Karadeniz ve İç Anadolu'da da yoğun yağacak
.Bugün Ege bölgesinde de kuvvetli yağmur var. Muğla, Aydın, Fethiye, Marmaris, Antalya'da yağmurun çok şiddetli yağması bekleniyor. Metrekareye 150-200 kg yağmur düşebilir.Ege hafta sonu ise kuvvetli soğuğun etkisinde kalacak. Sıcaklık İzmir’de 4 dereceye inecek. Manisa, Afyon, Kütahya ve Ege’nin tüm dağlarında kar bekleniyor. Cumartesi günü Muğla’ya dahi hafif kar yağabilir.Soğuklar önümüzdeki haftada kalacak.
İSTANBUL'DA ÜÇ GÜN KAR
Meteorolojik tahminlere göre bugün akşam saatlerinden itibaren Trakya bölgesinde kar yağışı başlayacak. Edirne, Çanakkale, Tekirdağ ve Kırklareli'de kar yağışı bekleniyor. Trakya'da etkili olan kar yağışının yarın sabah saatlerine İstanbul'a ulaşması bekleniyor.
Ancak etkili kar yağışının akşam saatlerinde Avrupa yakasında başlayacağı öngörülüyor.
Yağış gece Anadolu yakasında da görülecek ve İstanbul'un tamamı kar yağışının etkisi altına girecek.
Kar bu kez İstanbul'u kolay kolay terketmeyecek. Pazar ve Pazartesi günü de kar yağışının sürmesi bekleniyor. Pazartesi günü akşam saatlerine kadar, etkisini kaybetse de kar yağışı bekleniyor.
İstanbul'da hava ciddi şekilde soğuyacak, soğumakla kalmayıp 3 gün boyunca değerler "0" ın üstüne çıkmaycak. Cumartesi gecesinden itibaren 3 gün boyunca İstanbullular'ın tamamı günün her saatine "0" ın altında yaşayacak.
Sıcaklığın ancak önümüzdeki haftanın ikinci günü, salı günü öğlen saatlerinde "artı" değere yükseleceği öngörülüyor.
Ancak tahminlerin dikkat çektiği asıl yer Karadeniz. Batı Karadeniz'de çok etkili fırtına beklentisi var. Bu geceden itibaren etkisini artırması beklenen kuzey rüzgarları gece yarısından itibaren fırtınaya dönüşecek.
Fırtınanın saatte 100 kilometrenin üstündeki hızlarda esmesi, üstelik etkisini de saatlerce sürdürmesi bekleniyor.
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